Nancy Pelosi, daughter of a zionist

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The father of Nancy Pelosi was backing Truman and FDR support of Israel.

Pelosi's father bucked FDR and Truman to aid Jews and Israel
By Rafael Medoff, Jerusalem Post
2007-04-20
(photo: Thomas D'Alesandro Jr., above left, is sworn in as mayor of Baltimore in 1947, while 7-year-old Nancy holds the Bible.)

When Nancy Pelosi, the speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, stepped to the podium at a Knesset dinner during her visit to Israel earlier this month, she made history in more ways than one.

Not only was she the first woman House speaker to address Israel's lawmakers, Rep. Pelosi (D-San Francisco) was also addressing the parliament of a country whose creation her own father championed at the risk of his career -- and perhaps her career, as well.

Pelosi's father, the late Rep. Thomas D'Alesandro Jr. of Maryland, was known as a Roosevelt Democrat. What is not widely known is that D'Alesandro broke ranks with President Franklin D. Roosevelt on the issues of rescuing Jews from Hitler and creating a Jewish state.

D'Alesandro was one of the congressional supporters of the Bergson Group, a maverick Jewish political action committee that challenged the Roosevelt administration's policies on the Jewish refugee issue during the Holocaust and later lobbied against British control of Palestine.

The Bergson activists used unconventional tactics to draw attention to the plight of Europe's Jews, including staging theatrical pageants, organizing a march by 400 rabbis to the White House and placing more than 200 full-page advertisements in newspapers around the country.

Some of those ads featured lists of celebrities, prominent intellectuals and members of Congress who supported the group -- including D'Alesandro.

D'Alesandro's involvement with the Bergson Group was remarkable because he was a Democrat who was choosing to support a group that was publicly challenging a Democratic president.

D'Alesandro also was not one of the conservative Southern Dixiecrats who sometimes tangled with FDR over various issues. He was a staunch supporter of Roosevelt and the New Deal. He even named his first son Franklin Roosevelt D'Alesandro.

Until late in the Holocaust, the Roosevelt administration's position was that nothing could be done to rescue Jews from the Nazis except to win the war. The Bergson Group was convinced that there were many steps the United States could take to rescue refugees without impeding the war effort.

Bergson's strategy for changing U.S. policy was anchored in the hope that humanitarian-minded Democrats like D'Alesandro would break ranks with the White House over the plight of the Jews. Rallying Congress was a way to put pressure on the president.

The Bergson Group's Holocaust campaign culminated in the introduction of a congressional resolution in late 1943 urging creation of a government agency to rescue refugees. Sen. Tom Connally (D-Texas), a loyal FDR supporter and chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, blocked the committee's consideration of the resolution.

However, when Connally was out sick one day, his replacement, Sen. Elbert Thomas (D-Utah), quickly ushered the resolution through. In the House, too, there was growing support for the rescue resolution.

The congressional pressure helped influence Roosevelt to do what the resolution urged -- in early 1944, he established the War Refugee Board. Despite its small staff and meager funding, the board played a key role in the rescue of more than 200,000 Jews from the Holocaust. Its many accomplishments included sponsoring the heroic life-saving activities of Swedish diplomat Raoul Wallenberg in Nazi-occupied Budapest.

After the war, D'Alesandro continued supporting the Bergson Group as it campaigned for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. That sometimes meant clashing with the Truman administration, which wavered back and forth on the issue of Jewish statehood.

Every member of Congress who supported the Bergson Group had his own particular reasons for doing so. Thomas, for example, was a Mormon, and his kinship with the Jewish people had been forged by both his community's experiences as a mistreated minority and his religious convictions about the Jews and the Holy Land. Rep. Andrew Somers (D-N.Y.) was of Irish descent, and his resentment of British rule in Ireland strengthened his support for the Bergson Group's campaigns against the British shutdown of Palestine to Jewish refugees. Another important Bergson supporter, Rep. Will Rogers Jr. (D-Calif.), son of the famous entertainer, was part Native American, and he attributed his interest in the plight of the Jews to his general concern for minorities.

D'Alesandro was a Catholic and the son of Italian immigrants. Perhaps those factors fueled his sympathy for religious minorities and refugees. Or perhaps it was just the simple humanitarian instinct of every sensitive person who hears of innocents being persecuted and wants to help, regardless of political considerations.

Whatever his motives, D'Alesandro was taking a big risk. He knew that by defying Roosevelt and Truman, he might be making enemies in the White House. In 1947, at the very moment he was breaking ranks with Truman over Palestine, D'Alesandro decided to run for mayor of Baltimore. If the White House had chosen to retaliate against him for his dissent on Palestine, he might never have been elected. If that had happened, his daughter, Nancy, might never have embarked on a political career of her own.
(...)
Rafael Medoff is director of the David S. Wyman Institute for Holocaust Studies.
http://www.jewishjournal.com/home/preview.php?id=17545
 
This is what's going on while they're hyping the shooting incidents:

http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1109/29263.html

By JONATHAN ALLEN | 11/7/09 11:09 AM EST

Most Democratic advocates of abortion rights appear likely to swallow hard and vote for a health care overhaul even though it is likely to include an amendment that would effectively bar insurers that participate in a public exchange from providing most abortions, according to several lawmakers who attended a private meeting on the topic Saturday morning in the Capitol basement.

Asked whether her allies in the pro-choice movement would support the bill with the language offered yesterday by Rep. Bart Stupak (D-Mich.), Speaker Nancy Pelosi offered a one-word answer: "Yes."

"I don't believe any of us believe we can hold up what we've been fighting for ... and that's health care," said Rep. Louise Slaughter (D-N.Y.).

But the lawmakers said they would work hard to whip the Stupak amendment in hopes of keeping it out of the final bill, and several said they weren't ready to declare how they would vote if Stupak's language made it in.

"We're nor conceding that," Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-Ill.) said. "We'll cross that bridge when we come to it."

Rep. Diana DeGette (D-Colo.) said "pro-choice members are not happy this morning."

Democratic leaders decided early Saturday morning to let Stupak have a floor vote on his proposal, which would prevent federal funds from being used to subsidize abortions under the revamped health care system.

The increased role of the government envisioned in the House health care bill has had activists on both sides of the abortion debate on their toes – and on edge – for months. Any decision made on insurance benefits offered through a new health care exchange or on subsidies to individuals, insurers or providers has had the potential to create winners and losers.

The House is expected to adopt the Stupak amendment, on the strength of support from dozens of Democrats who typically oppose abortion rights, along with most Republicans.

That would put abortion-rights supporters on the horns of a dilemma: Vote for the bill and its sharp abortion limitation amendment or kill the centerpiece of Democrats' domestic agenda.

"Anytime you add an amendment to a bill there's an additional challenge," Rep. Jim Clyburn (D-SC) said of the shifting matrix of whip counts.

A meeting of Stupak's allies was planned for later in the morning.
 
CRIME PAYS: Bandit Nancy Pelosi Pockets $6 Million in Amazon Stock PROFITS; INSIDER TRADING Scheme Involved Purchase During Congressional Coronavirus Meetings Before U.S. Retailers Were Forced to Close


Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi and her husband are cashing in already on $5 million of Amazon stock purchased during the time frame that closed-door coronavirus meetings were being conducted in Congress — making an additional $6 MILLION in stock profits on top of the original purchase.

As of Friday morning, the Pelosi stock purchase had already earned the couple $6 million after using insider trading Intel to purchase the stock. The Amazon share price climbed close to $3,000 on Friday. The Pelosi’s purchased the shares on Jan. 17, according to financial disclosure filings at $1,600 per share.

Additionally, husband Paul Pelosi held 40 additional call options on Amazon stock too and sold those on Jan. 17 as well, netting him between $500,000 and $1 million, filings shows.

That’s like a quick $6 million in profit. Where is William Barr? Paging AG Barr …

FBI insiders said the Bureau was interested in probing the more-than-suspicious $6 million in Amazon stock that House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and her husband grabbed just before the country was locked down and retailers shuttered due to the alleged coronavirus ‘pandemic.’

But William Barr would not give the FBI a green light to proceed. Thomas Paine details the sordid affair on the Thomas Paine Podcast and the details are frustratingly alarming for all law-abiding Americans. Pelosi has profited $6 million in weeks since the purchase. That is JUST profit. Why did Barr chicken out? The reasons are startling for any attorney general. Since the podcast aired, Paine said he learned FBI Director Christopher Wray did not press the case with the Justice Department on behalf of agents in the FBI’s public corruption and financial crimes task forces.
 

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