TO DEFEAT THE EXTREME RIGHT REPRESENTED BY AECIO NEVES OF THE PSDB
The electoral situation became dangerous. The comfortable position "it’s all the same" does not help to solve the dilemma: one of the candidates will win the election.
The beginning of a new cycle of struggles since the June 2013 Journeys should be understood as long term, and does not yet have a completely predictable outcome. What will result from this new moment, undoubtedly depends on the level of organization of the workers and popular masses and the ability to submit proposals to unify the people towards structural changes in Brazilian society. Therefore, we must make it clear: the scope of these proposals for transformation depends on more favorable conditions in the present, which also include defensive considerations on electoral tactics: it is a serious political mistake betting on "the worse the better".
It is clear that we are facing a world wide offensive from international financial capital (on the landmarks of the structural crisis of capital) and there is a clear predominance of preventive counter-revolution, of counter-reform and of social regression. The candidacy aimed at fulfilling these anti-national and anti-popular measures in the next period with most efficacy is undoubtedly the Social Democratic Party (PSDB) of Aecio Neves.
He represents the right-wing radical opposition, which has direct links with mega-speculators like Soros, foreign investment banks (Merrill Lynch) and retail banks (Santander), oligarchs of the national bourgeoisie most integrated to American imperialism with a tougher and more ideological right-wing identity (as most groups linked to Millenium Institute, directed by Armínio Fraga, chosen by Aecio to coordinate the Ministry of finance if elected, and who has been complaining that the "minimum wage has grown a lot in the last few years"). The candidacy of Aecio thrills and excites the reactionary sectors, as already demonstrated by racist, fascists, homophobic and xenophobic manifestations, such as against Northeasterners and the reduction of the age of criminal responsibility. Aecio’s candidacy represents an extreme pro-imperialism, even promising to fully deliver the command of the Central Bank (now subordinate to the Ministry of Finance) to unelected technocrats at the behest of international financial capital. Aecio Neves represents the return to the "FHC era", which they now try to paint in golden colors: under Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC), legislation had already eliminated legal distinctions between domestic and foreign companies (facilitating the support of public institutions as the BNDES to transnational companies). The three largest companies in the country – Petrobras, Vale do Rio Doce and BR Distribuição (16.1% of sales among the 500 largest) suffered deep and growing privatization. After the Oil Law of 1997, the two giant ‘State’ companies suffered strong shareholding stake (and consequent influence) of international financial capital. In the process of privatization Vale was sold, in a criminal and fraudulent manner, by the FHC government for a tiny fraction (R$ 3.1 billion) of its value, since at the time it was estimated at more than R$ 1.5 trillion. In 2010 the Vale's net income was R$ 30 billion, almost 10 times the price paid in the privatization; the company's revenue in 2013 totaled R$ 104,25 billion. While employees pay up to 27.5% Income tax, Vale pays 0.12% of its turnover. This transnational pays in Brazil one of the lowest tax rates and royalties of the world; Despite being the second largest mining company in the world, largest iron ore producer and second largest of nickel.
But we want here to underscore a crucial issue. The main international task of Aecio Neves, if elected, is to dismantle the experiences of Latin American integration which Brazil participates as Mercosur, Unasur and Celac, and to act as an internal agent on the continent in the offensive against the revolutionary Government with broad popular support of Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela, Evo Morales in Bolivia and Rafael Correa in Ecuador. The American project of the FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas) was shelved, due to the struggle of the Latin American peoples, articulated in an international campaign led by Hugo Chávez; in Brazil due to the resistance of popular movements, having in front the MST (Landless Workers Movement). However, the American annexationist strategy continues to seek new means of implementation. The FTAA would mean much more than the deepening dependence on imperialism. The implementation of this Treaty would mean a radical neo-colonial regression for the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean and would lead to balkanization of Brazil. In this decisive aspect, there was a positive movement of Brazilian diplomacy under PT Governments, guiding it to give more weight to the South-South relations. This change is explained by the favorable international situation with the election of anti-imperialist and progressive Presidents in several neighboring countries. Domestically, it was significant the growing pressure of certain bourgeois fractions with large investments in fixed capital in the country, defending the local industry against American crushing. We should also highlight the struggle of the then Secretary-General of Foreign Affairs (2004-2009) Pinheiro Guimarães. At the Summit of the Americas in Mar le Plata (November 2005) Lula aligned with Chavez, Morales, Correia, Néstor Kirchner and other Latin American Presidents and stopped the FTAA; in opposition to to Baby Bush and his minions, Vicente Fox (former President of Coca-Cola and then President of Mexico) and the fascist Uribe (then narco-President of Colombia).
It is not a question of apologetically defending the Dilma Government nor of having the illusion that transformations will occur in a new mandate, but instead to not disregard facts that have a significant weight on the struggles in the country and abroad. We know that the Dilma candidature is closer to the interests of the domestic financial capital: fractions of the grand internal bourgeoisie (generally associated with imperialism, but which claim protection from the State to improve its position), the monopolist capital interested that the State prioritizes purchases of local production (construction, naval industry, etc) or a South-South foreign policy, with the interest of building more favorable trading zones.
It is clear that the PT Governments moved away from the best aspects of the party’s history, program and discourse, frustrating the expectations of their popular bases. In a 'transformism' that led to the demobilization of the proletarian and popular masses, emancipatory policies were emptied and the means of struggle and of formation of class consciousness were blocked. This is why the PT has a larger responsibility regarding an electoral performance below previous elections (in the first round of 2002, 2006, 2010, the PT received, respectively, 45.4%, 48.6% and 46.8% of the votes), in the first round of 2014 it was 41.5%. The priority given to the maintenance of 'governability' blocked the necessary confrontation with imperialism, monopolies and large estates, which engender the power block responsible for the dependent character of the monopolistic Brazilian capitalism, increasingly subordinated to international financial capital and, therefore, dominated by the imperialist powers, which makes the Brazilian people suffer before a chronic social inequality.
So, if on one hand the PT Governments made a move in the direction of making differentiated arrangements of fractions of the bourgeois class that eventually integrated it to the capital management itself, on the other, Aecio Neves is the most organically linked to fractions of pro-imperialist, pro-privatization, elitist and fascists classes of the dominant power block. This analysis can only lead to the political position of defeating the PSDB's candidacy: the only anti-Aecio position is to vote in Dilma. The situation is grave, voting null, although legitimate, is misleading, because it will not contribute to address specifically the difficult dilemma in which we find ourselves.
It is necessary to defeat Aecio Neves and regroup the people to build the Block of popular forces capable of performing the deep longing of changes that include deep and urgent measures in the sectors of transportation, public health, education, public safety, labor rights, as well as construction of participation and popular sovereignty in decision-making, land reform and urban reform.
VOTE FOR DILMA TO DEFEAT AECIO NEVES.
TO ADVANCE IN THE FORMATION OF THE POPULAR BLOCK AGAINST IMPERIALISM, MONOPOLIES AND LARGE LAND ESTATES, TOWARDS SOCIALISM!
KEEP ON FIGHTING BEYOND THE VOTE!
Luís Carlos Prestes Communist Pole-PCLCP
National Direction
October 12, 2014
