Some observations about pathocracy

[palestine]

Hello, I wanted to post some additions that have emerged over time:

1. Quotes from the C's
2. The "x signal"
3. Three types of pathocracies
4. It's possible to study the phase before hysteria; there, a stacking of characteropathy occurs, and seems to be a requirement, for the successive steps to happen (hysteria > doctrinaire > etc)

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1) Quotes from the C’s

First quote from the C's

Session 1 November 2025

(seek10) That is the 48,000 BCE event. That's pretty old. Rama is the main character in the Ramayan. C’s told us that Rama was an Indian high priest under the influence of the Confederation and fought with lizards. At that time, I thought that “fought with lizards” meant he was fighting against psychopathy. C’s also told us that the earliest mutation into psychopathy happened around that time in India. Do the C’s mean real lizards, or lizards manifesting as psychopathy? That is at 48,000 BCE.

Q: (L) Now, tell me what he said. It's not.. I have hearing aids and they really mess up certain frequencies.

(Andromeda) He was saying around 48,000 BC there was a mutation of psychopaths in India. That's where it started. And it was because of the lizard’s influence?

(seek10) Yes.

(Approaching Infinity) So was Rama fighting actual lizards or psychopaths?

(L) Ah!

A: Both In some cases. Keep in mind that lizard beings are 4D and can only interact in 3D under special conditions. This is the reason that so-called "fish gods" came and went from the sea on unusual scheduling demands.

This quote illustrates a process of "downloading", involving "lizard beings" (4th Density); it suggests a kind of temporary possession mechanism, during which the exercise of "evil" would occur.

This contrasts with ideas such as "psychopaths exist... psychopaths are evil" <> "psychopaths are evil" <> "there is nothing additional to consider".

We observe an initial condition, then a process, then more (activity etc).

Psychopaths, or OP's (?), would be used as temporary vectors. The origin of "evil" would be coming from "higher up," and not directly from the individuals involved (because they would be "vectors").

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Second quote from the C's

Session 13 May 2023

A: Usually 4D STS using a group of people to feed and plant ideas into 3D. Note that often the eminence grise in such groups is a psychopath and you can read current studies to see how the morphing works.

Q: (L) So I think that might be referring towhen he describes how psychopaths within a group can shift the direction, the ideas, and then change the ideology and all that?

A: Yes.

Q: (L) Right. Okay.

Similar waters here, the quote tells about 4th D STS influencing people; specifically "groups", via what seems to be a context of "pathology" due to the presence of "psychopaths" in the group - perhaps making the group susceptible to this influence. What is it that makes the downloading of 4D STS ideas successful? I don't know.

Now let's think of the model "the schizoïd & the manifesto".

When the doctrinaire appears and promotes ideas that will later transform society into a pathocracy, is it possible that the doctrinaire was initially targeted / influenced by STS? The book doesn't provide an answer because it doesn't explicitly discuss the influence of STS on schizoids. The book explains things based on "the pathological factor of schizoid personality," as a "vector" of "evil." This implies a potential for vectorization, for use by STS, of course. Any way, I find it logical that a schizoïd, all alone, could be surely targeted by 4D STS and becoming inflated by some ideas, in turns giving birth to a manifesto. This seems logical.

I must point out the term "éminence grise": this term appears specifically for essential psychopaths, who appear very, very late in the process of the pathocracy's formation. Here, the C's undoubtedly refer to the essential psychopaths: thus, when the C's teach us that STS plants ideas in 3D, we should consider more closely the context surrounding one of the final stages of pathocracy (it's during which the psychopaths, who had remained in the background, come to the forefront). To be impeccable, I would prevent myself from extending the meaning of the quote too far (for example the doctrinaire): C's explicitely speaks of the 4D influence in regard of the late stage. Still, as stated, it's logical that the 4D influence could appear earlier. Just willing to be precise here, in case.

Thus: the C's express an STS influence at the level of ideas. One thing we could therefore add, regarding our understanding of the phenomenon, is that during the final stages of pathocracy, this phenomenon occurs—there are 4D STS interpenetrations at this level. This is very important in that it indicates a bridge between A. Lobaczewski's perspective, which remains purely 3D in its explanations, and the "C" material.

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2) The x signal

Harrison KOEHLI - "Supernatural evil and ponerology" (Substack)

… those most predisposed to receive the x signal …

In his article, Harrison Koehli talks about a whole bunch of things, but the sentence above caught my attention because it talks about a specific process.

This ties in with some considerations from point 1):

The pathologies, hereditary (essential, schizoid) or acquired (characteropathy) - would technically act as an anchor point for a subsequent process, with, in-between, the "reception of signal x".

Andrew Lobaczewski explains acquired & hereditary pathologies in terms of "pathological factors," that is, like "vectors", from which "evil" is expressed/manifested. This is not contradictory to the idea above. It's just that during the process, an additional "step" would occur.

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3) Three types of pathocracies

Just a very small quote found in midst of the book.

Andrew M. LOBACZEWSKI - "Political ponerology"

… pathocracy has its own etiological factors ... its own pathodynamic processes which are differentiated as a function of whether the pathocracy in question was born in that particular country (primary pathocracy), was artificially infected in the country by some other system of the kind, or was imposed by force.

So, three types of pathocracies.

Reading the book, initially, teaches about the model which goes by « the doctrinaire during hysteria ».

Hypothesis: does the model with the doctrinaire, only refers to the "primary" type?

-

Recap about the doctrinaire model : the book describes a chronology, a very specific « phenomenon », and many steps.

It highlights a moment - « the hysterical period » which is a requirement for a pathocracy to come by:

Andrew M. LOBACZEWSKI - "Political ponerology"

During happy times of peace and social injustice, children of the privileged classes learn to repress from their field of consciousness any of those uncomfortable concepts suggesting that they and their parents benefit from injustice. Young people learn to disqualify the moral and mental values of anyone whose work they are using to over-advantage.

(…)

When the habits of subconscious selection and substitution of thought-data spread to the macro-social level, a society tends to develop contempt for factual criticism and to humiliate anyone sounding an alarm. Contempt is also shown for other nations which have maintained normal thought-patterns and for their opinions.

(…)

a rising wave of hysteria

(…)

Every society worldwide contains individuals whose dreams of power arise very early as we have already discussed. They are generally discriminated against in some way by society

(…)

A significant and active proportion of this group is composed of individuals with various deviations who imagine this better world in their own way, of which we are already familiar.

(…)

During stable times which are ostensibly happy, albeit dependent upon injustice to other individuals and nations, doctrinaire people believe they have found a simple solution to fix the world

A specific sequence is identified, and we see that what ignites the conflict is the appearance of a doctrinaire. Reading the rest of the chapter reveals a great many successive steps.

So – does the above exclusively refer to « the first type» of pathocracies (« primary type »)?

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4) Pre-hysteria phase, (primary type only?)

It seems possible to develop a bit more, along the doctrinaire & hysteria model.

I am now going to refer to an interesting passage located outside the chapter on pathocracy (it's in "Acquired Factors"): A. Lobaczewski explains the ins and outs of Hitler.

The idea is the transgenerational legacy of characteropathy, preceding hysteria. So it's something quite precise and may be a missing chunk, to understand the "doctrinaire" model".

Note: this chunk about Hitler is located outside the chapter "pathocracy", and it does not pop up immediately during a first degree reading.

Here is a brief summary of this passage:

Long before Hitler, and the pathocracy that afflicted the Reich, there was Wilhelm II in Germany. He was the Emperor. Well, Wilhelm II had some problems. His reign was marked by "a tendency towards dueling." A. Lobaczewski explains how, during his reign, the mania for dueling, with all its corollaries, influenced the population. Thus, the principle is simple: an entire population, at a given point in time, is subject to an influence that is "not particularly good." Here, it's "the mania for dueling", with all that it could imply: aggression masquerading as strength of character, things of that sort. An environment that promotes "washing away insults" rather than resolving problems differently.

What this sum up explains:

• This is specifically about characteropathies – distortions of the personality occurring in normal people
• The pathological factor "characteropathy" being fed to the citizen (via the politic)
• The idea is a "trans-generational stacking of pathology", occurring among the population

A. Lobaczewski identifies several "rows" of "stacking" (full quotes right after):

• "Generational legacy 1: mania of dueling."

Later, First World War. The Germans loose.

• “Generational legacy 2: a feeling of defeat.” Perhaps, «a desire for revenge », or « a thirst for vengeance ».

Little by little, we see a kind of transgenerational accumulation, of pathology, but specifically characteropathy. Those are distorsions in the character and it plays a role in the big picture (pathocracy).

And then, the stacking continued for the German people. There were similar, successive psychological rows. The writer Sebastian Haffner explains this very well (quotes later).

Here are the precise excerpts related to the above, in « Political ponerology ». First, the recap :

A. Lobaczewski - “Political ponerology”

Many thoughtful persons keep asking the same anxious question: how could the German nation have chosen for a Fuehrer a clownish psychopath who made no bones about his pathological vision of superman rule?

A characteropathic personality opened the door for leadership by a psychopathic individual.

... era of hysterical regression gave birth to the great war and the great revolution which extended into Fascism, Hitlerism, and the tragedy of the Second World War.

Here are the details:

A relatively well-documented example of such an influence of a characteropathic personality on a macrosocial scale is the last German emperor, Wilhelm II

That was the Europe of the three Emperors: the splendor of three people with limited intelligence (...) The concept of “honor” sanctified triumph. Staring at someone too long was sufficient pretext for a duel. These brothers were thus raised to be valiant duelists covered with saber-scars; however, the slashes they inflicted upon their opponents were more frequent and much worse.

Since the common people are prone to identify with the emperor, and through the emperor, with a system of government, the characteropathic material emanating from the Kaiser resulted in many Germans being progressively deprived of their ability to use their common sense. An entire generation grew up with psychological deformities regarding feeling and understanding moral, psychological, social and political realities.

Large portions of German society ingested psychopathological material, together with that unrealistic way of thinking wherein slogans take on the power of arguments and real data are subjected to subconscious selection.

The German nation, fed for a generation on pathologically altered psychological material, fell into a state comparable to what we see in certain individuals raised by persons who are both characteropathic and hysterical.

The Germans inflicted and suffered enormous damage and pain during the first World War; they thus felt no substantial guilt and even thought that they were the ones who had been wronged.

A mysterious craving arose, as if the social organism had managed to become addicted to some drug.

Here comes Hitler:

This hunger could only be satisfied by another similarly pathological personality and system of government.

The overall primary pathocracy model would go as follows:

1. Initial distortion of character within the population
2. Exacerbation … Stacking
3. Very low general state … “Hysteria” threshold
4. Emergence of whatever schizoid ideology
5. Etc ..

Thus, this aims to highlight the period preceding hysteria, as a potentially very mattering one.

In addition, there is a strong signal, going by "it's all about characteropathy".

Several considerations that came to mind (could be subjective - but those were my first ideas, conclusions):

- The Wilhelm 2 case refers to the appearance of characteropathy ; it does not require a psychopath, simply a characteropath.

- We can definitely see a point where there was nothing ; then characteropathy appears, and stacks, to then reach « the hysteria momentum » ; from which the whole known model, becomes applicable > the schizoïd etc.

- The matter here switches the focus from « psychopaths », towards « normal people ». They seem to be the initial carriers of the seeds of pathocracy.

- Technically speaking. Initially there is nothing, then the Emperor teaches damaging models and the citizen answer like sponges. Later, comes hysteria. Etc.

- Once the doctrinaire spreads the manifesto – it’s said that characteropaths are the first to answer the call. Those may be this initial mass of people…

- And then, after the manifesto found an echo, many many steps occur. Stabilization, revolution, discarding of the bosses, etc etc. To the preference of « essential psychopaths ». Those, it has been said, were remaining in the shadow (interesting question: « starting from when ? »).

(We may ponder the C bit about 4D STS influences)

When Wilhelm 2 « characteropatized » his citizens, essential psychopaths seemed far away, and had nothing to do with it. Seemed.

- Considering that Wilhelm 2 was active starting 1888, and that the hysteria phase occured approx. 1900, and that Hitler popped up in 1930’s – this makes quite a number of years.

- In short, the [primary] pathocracy does not exactly start with "the manifesto" (or even the hysteria phase). The manifesto seems located in the middle, if we consider the real variables. And give how many further steps there are, the overall picture is huge !

- Healing pathocracy may be efficient throught the solving of characteropathies among normal citizens.

- We may want to study the 50 years prior to the eruption of a pathocracy (if it is the « primary » type), in order to have a complete picture. Who was the boss, at the time ? Etc. Did he have a characteropathic influence on the citizen ?

- If a leader teaches his citizen about characteropathic ways, let's write it down and see if there is further stacking.

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Sebastian HAFFNER, in his book "history of a German", allows us to trace a continuity of this accumulation of characteropathy on the German people, starting from WW1. This is a bit lengthy, but it precisely illustrates the stacking that A. Lobaczewski highlights.

I was able to split this into more or less six "phases"- for readability. S. Haffner starts with WW1 and its effects on the mind of citizens.

All of this is about additional trauma on the citizen's minds. Successive rows of psychopathology. The trans-generational acquiring of new pathologies. So, basically, tracking down further stackings of characteropathies.

Sebastian HAFFNER - "Story of a German"

PHASE 1

“I will never forget this August 1, 1914, and the memory of this day is always accompanied by a deep feeling of calm, relaxation, of “everything is fine now”. This is the strange way we can “live history live”

It was a Saturday, with all the marvelous serenity that a Saturday in the country can entail. The work finished, the air vibrated with the bells of the returning herds, order and calm reigned over the estate; in their rooms valets and maids were getting ready to go dancing.

But below; in the great hall, with its antler-decorated walls, its shelves lined with pewter utensils and sparkling stoneware plates, I found my father and the master of the house deep in conversation, recounting all these events with serenity. Of course, I did not understand much of what they were saying, and I have no memory of it. On the other hand, I remember very well their calm and soothing voices, the clearer timbre of my father and the deep bass of his interlocutor; I remember that the fragrant smoke of the cigars they slowly savored rose before them in thin columns and that its perfume inspired confidence; I remember that as they talked everything became clearer, better, calmer. And finally, we understood that war was absolutely impossible, this certainty imposed itself with luminous evidence, and therefore we were not going to be intimidated, but to stay here until the end of the holidays, as always. Without listening to any more, I went out, my heart swollen with relief, joy, gratitude, and it was with a kind of fervor that I saw the sun set on the forests that were now given back to me.

When I was woken up the next morning, we were packing. First of all, I did not understand what had happened: the word "mobilization" (...) was war and that everyone had to make sacrifices.

I learned - again, as quickly as if I had always known - the names of the generals, the strength of the armies, the condition of the armaments, the draft of the ships, the location of the strategic forts, the position of the fronts - and I soon realized that the game that was taking place there was likely to make life more interesting, more fascinating than it had ever been

The responsibility for this lay with the atmosphere; to this anonymous and omnipresent atmosphere, perceptible in a thousand details; to the training of this homogeneous mass which filled with incredible emotions whoever threw themselves into its flow

PHASE 2

"November 18: the war ended, the women found their husbands, the men found their lives"

"However, at first, it was not the Hitler Reich that I had to deal with, but the 1918 revolution and the Weimar Republic."

PHASE 3

Then came the year 1923. It is undoubtedly this delirious year that has marked the Germans of today with those traits that the rest of humanity as a whole considers with incomprehension mixed with anguish, and which are foreign to the normal character of the German people: unbridled cynicism, nihilism that cultivates with delight the impossible for its own sake, movement that has become a goal in itself. A whole generation of Germans thus underwent the ablation of a psychic organ, an organ which confers to the man stability, balance, gravity also, of course, and which takes various forms according to the cases: conscience, reason, wisdom, fidelity to the principles, morals, fear of God. In 1923, a whole generation learned - or thought it learned - that one can live without ballast. The previous years had been a good school of nihilism.

The year 1923 was to be the consecration of this.

No people in the world has had an experience comparable to that of the Germans in 1923. All of them have experienced world war, most of them have experienced revolutions, social crises, strikes, reversals of fortune, devaluations. But none of them has experienced the delirious and grotesque exaggeration of all these phenomena at the same time, as it happened in Germany in 1923. No one has experienced the gigantic and carnivalesque dances of death, the extravagant and endless saturnalia in which all values, not only money, were devalued.

From the year 1923, Germany would emerge ripe not precisely for Nazism, but for any abracadabra adventure. The psychological and political roots of Nazism are deeper, as we have seen.

But it owes to that crazy year what makes its present insanity: its icy delirium, its blind, overweening and unbridled determination to achieve the impossible, proclaiming "What is right is what is useful" and "The word 'impossible' does not exist". Experiences of this kind clearly pass the limits of what a people can endure without psychic trauma.

Anyone who had a savings account, a mortgage, or an investment of any kind saw it disappear overnight.

Some people suddenly discovered an island of security: stocks.

The elderly and the dreamers were the worst off.

Many were reduced to begging, many were driven to suicide. The young and the clever were doing well.

The stars of the day were twenty-one year old bankers, high school students who took financial advice from slightly older classmates. They wore Oscar Wilde lavalieres, treated their friends to champagne, and kept their fathers going when they were in trouble.

Amidst so much suffering, despair, and misery, a fiery, youthful fever burned; concupiscence reigned in a generalized carnival atmosphere. All of a sudden, money was in the hands of the young and not the old.

We had lived through the great game of war and the shock of its end; we had suffered the disappointing lessons of the revolution, we were witnessing daily the collapse of all rules, the bankruptcy of age and experience. We had gone through a whole series of contradictory convictions.

Little by little, the atmosphere had become downright apocalyptic. Hundreds of redeemers were roaming the streets of Berlin, long-haired men dressed in haires, who declared themselves to be sent by God to save the world and found a way to make a living from this mission. The happiest of these was a man named Hausser, who advertised on posters, gathered crowds and had a large following. According to the newspapers, his Munich counterpart was a man named Hitler, who, however, differed from the former in his speeches, the provocative vulgarity of which reached dizzying heights of paroxysmal menace and displayed cruelty. While Hitler claimed to establish a thousand-year-old kingdom by annihilating the Jews, in Thuringia, a certain Lamberty wanted to achieve the same goal by generalizing the practice of folk dancing, singing and jumping. Each redeemer had his own style. Nothing and nobody was surprising; surprise had long been forgotten.

PHASE 4

Then a strange phenomenon occurred. One day, an incredible news started to circulate: we would soon find a "stable currency". A little later, it became a reality.

The old people could not yet call on their experience, the young people were a bit dispirited.

The atmosphere was that of the day after a shindig, but there was a certain relief mixed in.

The stalls displayed posters: "The peace prizes are back." For the first time, there seemed to be real peace.

And it did.

The only real peace my generation had known in Germany had begun. A space of six years, from 1924 to 1929, during which German politics was directed by Stresemann from the Foreign Office. The Stresemann era.

The decade of 1914-1924 had changed almost everything, almost destroyed everything. The young generation grew up in a world without habits and traditions.

The great danger for the Germans has always been and still is emptiness and boredom

A very beautiful, very promising future was being prepared among the German youth elite between 1925 and 1930: a new idealism beyond doubt and disillusionment; a new liberalism that was broader, richer, more mature than the political liberalism of the nineteenth century; even the foundations of another nobility, a new aristocracy, a new aesthetic of existence. All this was still far from becoming reality and taking power.

PHASE 5

It was then that a strange phenomenon occurred - and I think I am revealing here one of the most fundamental political events of our time, which no newspaper has mentioned.

This invitation was, on the whole, not followed. They didn't want to. It turned out that a whole generation of Germans did not know what to do with the personal freedom they were being given.

About twenty age groups, the young and the very young, had been accustomed to having the public sphere deliver to them free of charge the raw material of their true emotions - love, hate, joy and grief - but also all the sensations that tickled their nerves, notwithstanding their procession of misery, hunger, death, confusion, danger.

Now that this delivery had stopped, they found themselves helpless, impoverished, disappointed and bored. They had never learned to live on their reserves, to organize their little private life so that it would be big, beautiful and fruitful; they did not know how to take advantage of it, they did not know what made it interesting.

This is why they did not feel the end of public tensions and the return of private freedom as a gift, but as a frustration. They became bored, they got stupid ideas, they started to grumble - and finally they eagerly looked forward to the first disturbance, the first setback or the first incident that would allow them to liquidate the peace and start a new collective adventure.

To be precise - the matter requires precision, because, in my opinion, it provides the key to the whole historical period in which we live - not all of the younger generation reacted in this way. Some, at that time, learned to live, so to speak. A little late, a little clumsily.

They got a taste for a personal life, detoxified from the warlike and revolutionary games, and became individuals. In fact, it was at this time that the chasm that today divides the German people into Nazis and non-Nazis began to grow invisibly and without anyone being aware of it.

Thus, under the surface, everything was ready for the catastrophe.

One of these warning signs, which was not only ignored but also encouraged and praised by the authorities, was the mania for sport that took hold of German youth at that time.

In the years 1924, 1925, 1926, Germany became a great sporting power in one fell swoop. Until then, Germany had never been a sporting nation. She had never been creative in this field, never invented anything like England and America, and the spirit of sport, that way of absorbing oneself entirely in a playful universe made up of its own rules and laws, was completely foreign to the German temperament. Yet in those years, the number of licensees and spectators increased tenfold. Boxers and runners became national heroes, and boys of twenty had their heads stuffed with results, names, and those numerical hieroglyphics which translate in the newspapers certain records of speed and skill.

It was the last great German collective madness to which I myself succumbed. For two years, my intellectual life remained almost at a standstill.

Sports reports played the same role as military communiqués ten years earlier

The only one who apparently felt that the forces he had liberated were moving in a vicious and dangerous direction was Stresemann himself. He made occasional disconcerting remarks about the "new biceps aristocracy," which helped to make him unpopular. He must have suspected what was going on here: the blind energies and passions to which he had closed the path of politics were not dead, they were looking for a valve. The rising generation refused to learn how to live honestly, humanely, and used its freedom only to organize a collective ruckus.

Hell was rumbling beneath the surface, too many evil demons were still visible in the background, chained and silenced for the time being, but not exterminated. And there was no powerful symbol to ward them off. The era lacked grandeur and majesty, it was not fully convinced of its own cause. The old bourgeois and patriotic, peaceful and liberal ideas were being revived.

PHASE 6

The next day, the newspapers ran the headline: "Death of Gustav Stresemann."

And we, reading them, were frozen with terror. Who could tame the beasts now? They had just started to move.

In the spring of 1930, Brüning became Chancellor.

As far as I know, Brüning's regime was the first sketch and, so to speak, the model of a form of government that has since been imitated in many European countries: a semi-dictatorship in the name of democracy and in order to prevent a real dictatorship. Anyone who takes the trouble to study Brüning's system in depth will find in it all the elements that ultimately make this form of government almost inevitably the model of what it is supposed to combat

He did not launch a great idea or an appeal to the nation. He merely cast a sorrowful shadow over it.

However, the energies that had been lying fallow for so long were gathering with great noise.

On September 14, 1930, the parliamentary elections took place, which propelled a small, ridiculous party into second place: the Nazis.

And yet, Hitler's person, his past, his way of being and speaking could have been a handicap for the movement that was gathering behind him.

No one would have been surprised if, at his first speech, a city sergeant had grabbed him by the collar and put him away in a place where he would never have been heard from again and where he would have undoubtedly belonged. But nothing of the sort happened.

On the contrary, this individual went from strength to strength, becoming more and more insane, more and more monstrous, and at the same time more and more famous and more and more prominent, so that the effect was reversed: the monster became fascinating.

Hitler promised everything to everyone, which of course earned him a vast clientele and a large electorate recruited from among the undecided, the disappointed, the impoverished. But this was not the decisive element. Beyond the simple demagogy and the points of his program, he promised two things: the resumption of the great war game of 1914-1918, and the repetition of the great anarchic and triumphant sack of 1923. In other words: his future foreign policy, his future economic policy. He did not need to promise this explicitly; he could even pretend the contrary (as in his later "peace speeches"): he was understood anyway. And this earned him his real followers, the hard core of the Nazi party. He brought into play the two great moments experienced and assimilated by the younger generation.

Like an electric spark, it spread to all those who had the secret nostalgia for it.

The very last sentence is quite similar to A. Lobaczewski:

A mysterious craving arose, as if the social organism had managed to become addicted to some drug

This hunger could only be satisfied by another similarly pathological personality and system of government

My sincere sympathy and apologies go to the German people. They have been suffering from much - and loosing WW2 may have been stacking further on.

Hopefully, Germany came back in force as a brilliant country, during the 90's, with high quality industry for example. Germans were proud of themselves, it seems, at that time.

And then - additional row of I-don't-know-what. Green LGBT mood, ruin of Frankfurt economical place, etc.

I hope that Germans had a way to heal their scars, because it seems that a huge stack of pathologies exist and are still in motion.

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This is it for my post!

• Several considerations about the mechanisms of the genesis of evil, in term of bridging (temporary?) from 4D STS to 3D. « Vectors ». Limitations ? Etc.
• Three types of pathocracies, and that the doctrinaire model may refer to the "primary" type.
• Too, it seems to me that the period pre-hysteria has not been discussed that much, while it's pretty simple and very mattering: stacking of characteropathies, and generational inheritance. Later, hysteria.

The last point seems due to the fact that A. Lobaczewski provided a precise explanation for the period before hysteria, in another chapter than "pathocracy". When we read the book, there is data everywhere and it's always been a huge whole (for me) to untangle.

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With this post, I wanted to summarize various pieces of information I've gathered over time. I hope they're relevant.

Thanks for reading, commenting, criticizing!