Zadius Sky
The Living Force
Re: The Odyssey - Manual of Secret Teachings?
I was thinking about the "absences" of Athena and there also has been absences of Poseidon (in Book II, X, XIV, XV - XXII) by appearance or by name-reference. And, I was also wondering about Zeus, who turned out to have no absences throughout the Odyssey, by appearance and/or reference.
So, I just finished reading J. Marks' Zeus in the Odyssey (2008), from some quotes that I'd like to share/add here to this pot.
First, there appear to be differences between Zeus in Iliad and Zeus in Odyssey:
Marks is pointing out that Zeus is the one that started the narrative of the Odyssey when he recalled the story of Agamemnon, Klytemnestra, and Orestes, and then Athena proposed the release of Odysseus. It was mentioned earlier in this thread that suggests Athena being the one who was directing the plot.
I was wondering why would Athena wait so long to release Odysseus after seven years of being a prisoner on Ogygia, and from above quote, it has to do with specific timing and Poseidon needed to be absent at that moment for the "plan" to be initiated.
Myrddin Awyr said:It is also interesting to note that Athena has only been "referenced" twice in Book XI: as a "judge" and as a "guide" but no appearance, and she has a complete absence in Book X and Book XII, either by appearance or by reference (these are the only two books in the entire Odyssey that the appearances and/or references of Athena were absent).
I was thinking about the "absences" of Athena and there also has been absences of Poseidon (in Book II, X, XIV, XV - XXII) by appearance or by name-reference. And, I was also wondering about Zeus, who turned out to have no absences throughout the Odyssey, by appearance and/or reference.
So, I just finished reading J. Marks' Zeus in the Odyssey (2008), from some quotes that I'd like to share/add here to this pot.
First, there appear to be differences between Zeus in Iliad and Zeus in Odyssey:
page 1 - 3 said:In some ancient Greek epics, a Dios boulē "plan of Zeus" helps to motivate and explain the plot. This theme is best known from its appearance at the beginning of the Iliad:
μῆνιν ἄειδε θεά, Πηληιάδεω Ἀχιλῆος,
οὐλομένην ἣ μυρί’ Ἀχαιοῖς ἄλγε’ ἔθηκεν,
πολλὰς δ’ ἰφθίμους ψυχὰς ᾌδι προίαψεν
ἡρώων, αὐτοὺς δὲ ἑλώρια τεῦχε κύνεσσιν
οἰωνοῖσί τε πᾶσι, Διὸς δ’ ἐτελείετο βουλή,
ἐξ οὗ δὴ τὰ πρῶτα διαστήτην ἐρίσαντε,
Ἀτρείδης τε ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν καὶ δῖος Ἀχιλλεύς.
Wrath: sing it, goddess, wrath of Peleus’ son Achilleus,
destructive, which myriad woes on Achaians placed,
and many strong souls to Hades did send,
heroes’ souls, and the men themselves made plunder for dogs
and for birds a banquet, and a plan of Zeus was reaching fulfillment
from when first they stood apart caught up in strife,
the son of Atreus ruler of men and godly Achilleus.
Iliad 1.1-7
The association of Zeus' plan with the main plot line here in the proem is, unsurprisingly, predictive: as the Iliad proceeds, the god engineers and maintains the momentum of the Trojan offensive that gives force to Achilleus' wrath, decides the fates of the major characters, and resolves conflicts that impede dramatic closure.
The Odyssean Zeus, on the other hand, seems reactive rather than proactive, unwilling or unable to control subordinate deities, and generally more remote from the action when measured against his Iliadic counterpart. At the same time, the two seem to differ in what might be termed leadership style. For the Odyssean Zeus acts and speaks in a manner that appears to be, if not more humane, at least less malevolent than that of the Zeus who repeatedly threatens violence against his fellow gods and gleefully pits them against each other in the Iliad. Some rough statistics can help to quantify these impressions. In the main narrative of the Iliad, Zeus has a speaking role in more than a dozen scenes, in which he maintains overall control of events by inducing divine characters to act or to refrain from action, and by sending some dozen omens to mortal characters; at one point, he even lends a hand in battle (Iliad 15.694-695). In all, Zeus' actions and words make up around 1000 of the Iliad's approximately 15,000 lines (>6%). In the Odyssey, by contrast, Zeus appears four times in the main narrative; he neither incites nor impedes divine characters, at least overtly; and his direct involvement with mortal affairs is limited to four omens. All told, Zeus' actions and words make up around 250 of the Odyssey's approximately 12,000 lines (<2%).
In terms of sheer presence, then, Zeus is less prominent in the Odyssey than in the Iliad. It seems but a small and uncomplicated step to conclude that this quantitative difference reflects a qualitative one, that Zeus is relatively unimportant to the plot of the Odyssey. This has in fact long been and remains the dominant interpretation of the role of the gods in Homeric epic: the Odyssean Olympos is less hierarchical than the Iliadic one, and the Odyssean plot in general depends less on divine guidance.
According to the arguments offered in this book, the significance of the differences between the Iliadic and Odyssean "divine apparatus" have been over-emphasized and misunderstood. The specific locution Dios boulē may not appear in the proem of the Odyssey, but I hope to demonstrate that Zeus' appearances at crucial points help to define the overall structure of the narrative, while the actions of subordinate deities, whether or not they so intend, reaffirm Zeus' own stated goals. Further, regarding leadership style, the harsher side of Zeus is not unknown to the Odyssey; thus for instance Hermes at one point warns Kalypso to beware the supreme god's wrath (Διὸς μῆνις, Odyssey 5.146). Conversely, the Iliadic Zeus resembles his Odyssean counter-part in that he never, for all his bluster, has recourse to brute force within the bounds of the narrative.
Viewed from this perspective, the difference between the Iliadic and Odyssean visions of Zeus is not qualitative after all, but a difference of emphasis. Rather than offering mutually exclusive versions of Olympos, the epics each focalize the gods through the lens of the main hero. The Odyssean Zeus is assimilated to the heroics of Odysseus, which favor stratagems and covert action, while the Iliadic Zeus is assimilated to the heroics of Achilleus, which favor direct and forceful action. In other words, the epics offer mutually reinforcing visions of the same Olympos, one that motivates the plot in accordance with Zeus' wishes. In like manner, Achilleus and Odysseus are not so much opposed as complementary heroes. In neither epic is the former stupid, or the latter cowardly; and in the end Achilleus uses nonviolent means to settle his conflict with Agamemnon, while Odysseus kills roughly as many suitors in the Odyssey as Achilleus does Trojans in the Iliad.
Marks is pointing out that Zeus is the one that started the narrative of the Odyssey when he recalled the story of Agamemnon, Klytemnestra, and Orestes, and then Athena proposed the release of Odysseus. It was mentioned earlier in this thread that suggests Athena being the one who was directing the plot.
page 17-24 said:Throughout the Odyssey, the story of Agamemnon, Klytaimnestre, and Orestes is paradigmatic for that of Odysseus, Penelope, and Telemachos. The Odyssean "Oresteia," as the story will be referred to here, provides examples of the kinds of perils that could await Odysseus, and of the resources on which he can rely. A number of characters describe or refer to the death of Agamemnon, the treachery of Klytaimnestre and her consort Aigisthos, and the heroism of Orestes, the first being Zeus, whose speech on the subject opens the main narrative.
Much critical attention has been paid to the manner in which Zeus' Oresteia frames the theological, philosophical, and moral implications of Odysseus' return. Less attention, however, has been paid to the narrative implications of Zeus' opening speech. Comparison with other versions in the Odyssey, and with non-Homeric versions, makes clear that his Oresteia is no bland recitation of the "facts," but a polemical casting of the tale in Homeric terms. One facet of this polemic, I suggest, is a programmatic assertion of the god's own role in the Odyssey. Just as Orestes, who acts with Zeus' approval, suffers no retribution for killing Aigisthos, so Zeus will intervene at the end of the Odyssey to ensure that Odysseus will not suffer for killing the suitors.
Zeus' Oresteia begins a divine council scene that is functionally equivalent to the scenes with Zeus and Thetis, then Zeus and Here, in Book 1 of the Iliad (493-611). In both cases, Zeus and a subordinate goddess forge, or reestablish, a connection with the hero of the epic that foreshadows the special favor the hero will receive in the course of the story. In the Iliad, Zeus begins at once to enact the plan that emerges from the initial Olympian scenes (2.3-5), and eventually describes it in some detail (e.g. 15.59-77).
I shall be arguing that the Odyssey shares this structural conceit, but that Zeus enacts his plan by transmitting it as it were subliminally to Athene. For although the plan for the hero's return that the gods enact at the beginning of the narrative will be called Athene's, its basic outline derives from Zeus' Oresteia. Further, the very distinctiveness of Zeus' account raises the specter of other versions of the well-known and ancient story, in which themes such as remorse and retribution complicate the hero's revenge. I begin by
exploring character-equivalencies that link Zeus' Oresteia and Athene's plan for Odysseus and Telemachos.
ZEUS, ATHENE AND THE OPENING OF THE ODYSSEY
It is in response to Zeus' speech that Athene first raises the subject of Odysseus (1.48-62). She proposes that he be sent home from Kalypso's island, and that his son Telemachos be sent in search of news about him:
Ἑρμείαν μὲν ἔπειτα, διάκτορον Ἀργειφόντην,
νῆσον ἐς Ὠγυγίην ὀτρύνομεν, ὄφρα τάχιστα
νύμφηι ἐυπλοκάμωι εἴπηι νημερτέα βουλήν,
νόστον Ὀδυσσῆος ταλασίφρονος, ὥς κε νέηται.
αύτὰρ ἐγὼν Ἰθάκηνδ᾿ ἐσελεύσομαι, ὄφρα οἱ υἱὸν
μᾶλλον ἐποτρύνω καί οἱ μένος ἐν φρεσὶ θείω,
εἰς ἀγορὴν καλέσαντα κάρη κομόωντας Ἀχαιοὺς
πᾶσι μνηστήρεσσιν ἀπειπέμεν, οἵ τέ οἱ αἰεὶ
μῆλ᾿ ἀδινὰ σφάζουσι καὶ εἰλίποδας ἕλικας βοῦς.
πέμψω δ᾿ ἐς Σπάρτην τε καὶ ἐς Πύλον ἠμαθόεντα
νόστον πευσόμενον πατρὸς φίλου, ἤν που ἀκούσηι,
ἠδ᾿ ἵνα μιν κλέος ἐσθλὸν ἐν ἀνθρώποισιν ἔχηισιν.
Then let us send Hermes the runner, Argeiphontes,
to the island of Ogygie, in order that quick as possible
he may tell to the fair-tressed nymph our unerring plan,
the homecoming of firm-minded Odysseus, so that he may return.
But I myself will go to Ithake, so that his son
I may the more urge on and put might in his heart,
to call to assembly the long-haired Achaians
and denounce all the suitors, who always
slaughter his rich flocks and shambling crook-horned cattle.
And I will send him to Sparta and to sandy Pylos
to learn of his own father’s return, if he may somehow hear,
and in order that he may have good repute among people.
Odyssey 1.84-95
And so it happens. Athene departs for Ithake at once, and Books 2 through 4 narrate Telemachos' public denunciation of the suitors and his quest for word of his father. Odysseus' story is taken up in Book 5, when the gods dispatch Hermes to Ogygie.
Athene's speech here in Book 1 serves a number of practical functions. It provides a table of contents, informing or reminding the audience of the overall outlines of the tale, and perhaps helps the performer to organize his subject matter. At the same time, the speech supplies what is, by the conventions of ancient Greek epic, the requisite motivation for the events to follow, since it is the gods who explain and make coherent the series of coincidences and fantastic occurrences that attend Odysseus' return. Further, Athene's
mention of Telemachos and the suitors foreshadows the conflict that is the main theme of the second half of the narrative, so that her initial speech helps to establish the dramatic unity of the three main sequences of the Odyssey, the Telemachia, Nostos, and Mnesterophonia.
The motivation behind the narrative of the Odyssey has generally been understood as a fairly straightforward process: the chain of causality in the Odyssean narrative begins with Athene. And as the above quote shows, the plan for Books 1 through 13 is indeed articulated by the goddess. Yet Athene speaks up only in response to Zeus' account of the Oresteia, which I now quote in full:
ὢ πόποι, οἷον δή νυ θεοὺς βροτοὶ αἰτιόωνται.
ἐξ ἡμέων γάρ φασὶ κάκ᾿ ἔμμεναι· οἰ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ
σφῆισιν ἀτασθαλίηισιν ὑπὲρ μόρον ἄλγε᾿ ἔχουσιν,
ὡς καὶ νῦν Αἴγισθος ὑπὲρ μόρον Ἀτρείδαο
γῆμ᾿ ἄλοχον μνηστήν, τὸν δ᾿ ἔκτανε νοστήσαντα,
εἰδὼς αἰπὺν ὄλεθρον, ἐπεὶ πρὸ οἱ εἴπομεν ἡμεῖς
Ἑμρείαν πέμψαντες ἐύσκοπον Ἀργειφόντην,
μήτ᾿ αὐτὸν κτείνειν μήτε μνάασθαι ἄκοιτιν·
ἐκ γὰρ Ὀρέσταο τίσις ἔσσεται Ἀτρείδαο
ὁππότ᾿ ἂν ἡβήσηι τε καὶ ἧς ἱμείρεται αἴης.
ὣς ἔφαθ᾿ Ἑρμείας, ἀλλ᾿ οὐ φρένας Αἰγίσθοιο
πεῖθ᾿ ἀγαθὰ φρονέων· νῦν δ᾿ ἀθρόα πάντ᾿ἀπέτισε.
Alas, how indeed now men find fault with the gods.
For evils are from us they say; but they themselves
by their own reckless acts have sufferings beyond
their portion.
So even now Aigisthos beyond his portion
courted the wedded wife of Atreus’ son, and killed him
when he returned,
although he knew it was sheer destruction, since we
ourselves told him,
having sent Hermes, keen-sighted Argeiphontes,
to tell him neither to kill the man nor court his wife;
for from Orestes there would be payback for Atreus' son
whenever he came of age and longed for his land.
Thus spoke Hermes; but he did not persuade the mind of
Aigisthos
for all his good intent; and now he has paid back all at once.
Odyssey 1.32-43
The broad thematic correspondences between this story and the main narrative of the Odyssey are well documented. Zeus' Aigisthos, for example, is comparable to the Kyklops, Odysseus' crew, the Phaiakes, and the suitors, all of whom suffer after failing to heed divine admonition. The heedless Aigisthos picks up the theme of the heedless crew in the proem, which theme Athene will transfer to the heedless suitors. The thematic opposition between Aigisthos and Orestes will be recreated in that between the suitors and Telemachos when the setting moves to Ithake (cf. 1.114-117). Thus the view of divine justice with which Zeus frames his Oresteia can be seen to inform the narrative as a whole....
Again, I draw attention to the fact that Zeus' speech does not simply prefigure the narrative, but is the first event within it. As such, it occurs at a critical juncture in the Odyssey's chronology. First, Zeus' speech prompts Athene to raise the subject of Odysseus at a time when Poseidon, his divine antagonist, is absent from the assembly of the gods. As a result, the divine plan for Odysseus' return can be elaborated without the kind of rancor that often occurs when the gods disagree on the fate of a mortal, as for example when Here and Apollo clash over the treatment of Hektor in Iliad 24. Second, Zeus' timing is equally significant on the terrestrial plane, in that he initiates the discussion that will issue in a plan for Odysseus' return at what the narrative constructs as the last possible moment. For Odysseus leaves Ogygie at the very end of the sailing season, and returns to Ithake as the suitors are about to devour completely his resources; most importantly, his wife is ready to remarry, according to his own instructions (18.269-270). Postponement of his voyage to the next sailing season would result in a hollow and pointless return.
Nevertheless, as noted, previous scholarship has tended to view the relationship between Zeus' Oresteia and the main narrative of the Odyssey as rather prefatory than essential to the plot. In these terms, it would represent one of any number of possible devices that could motivate Athene. However, even allowing for the artificiality of epic conventions, this interpretation renders the scene almost comic upon examination. Athene sits around the Olympian agora, waiting until Zeus offers her a pretext to announce a plan for Odysseus and Telemachos. As the clock ticks toward the last possible moment any such plan could be successful, Zeus happens launch into a story that happens to contain a sweeping generalization about divine justice to which Odysseus is a glaring exception, and that, to anticipate my analysis below, happens to contain the seeds of the narrative itself.
Of course, epic always borders on melodrama, and such a scenario may have been conjured up in the minds of Homeric audiences. But the question of dramatic tone aside, the broader implications of an Athene-centric Odyssey are profound. Not only does the Odyssey thus conceived commence with a series of labored coincidences, but its divine apparatus also suffers from a kind of power vacuum compared to the hierarchical Olympos of the Iliad. Most critics conclude that Athene fills this vacuum, but over the course of her further interactions with Zeus the goddess will prove unequal to the task.
A minority of scholars has advanced a different interpretation of Zeus' speech. Alfred Heubeck suggested in passing that Zeus intends to provoke Athene to react as she does; and Marilyn Katz has argued that references to the Oresteia generally represent "a dynamic force that gives direction to [the Odyssey's] plot." Pressing such insights further, I suggest that the Odyssey subtly but purposefully traces causation for the events in the main narrative to the machinations of Zeus, in the first instance by having him prompt Athene to propose the plan that she does for Odysseus' return, and to do so at a specific dramatic moment. This interaction between the two gods is then paradigmatic for their further conferences in the Odyssey.
I note that no canonical account of the Oresteia attained the kind of authority that the Odyssey did over Odysseus' story. Through the Archaic and Classical periods, poets from Stesichoros to Pindar and the Athenian tragedians produced Oresteias that differed not only in regard to the motivation and valorization of the characters, but even in dramatic setting. The Odyssey, then, likely took shape and circulated against the backdrop of a divergent body of stories about Agamemnon and his son, any number of which may have been familiar to Homeric audiences.
In any case, the reciprocal relationship between the sets of characters in Zeus' Oresteia and Athene's proposal for Odysseus and Telemachos is unmistakable. Zeus mentions Aigisthos (by name, 1.35, 42), Agamemnon (by patronymic, 35, 40), Klytaimnestre (as Agamemnon's wife, 36, 39), "we gods" (37), Hermes (by name, 38, 42), and Orestes (by name and patronymic, 40). Athene's proposal specifies Odysseus (by name, 83), Hermes (by name, 84), "we gods" (82 with 85), Kalypso (the "fair-haired nymph," 86), Telemachos (as Odysseus' son, 88), and the suitors (91), who by their very designation as "suitors" imply the object of their suit, Penelope. Two of the characters named by Athene, Hermes and "we gods," are explicit in Zeus' Oresteia; the rest have close parallels with it. Agamemnon corresponds to Odysseus as the threatened Trojan War hero, and Aigisthos to the suitors (and to Kalypso as a threat to the hero's marriage); Klytaimnestre corresponds to the implied Penelope as the hero's wife, and Orestes to Telemachos as the hero's son (and to Odysseus as suitor-slayer).
The generative logic that links Zeus' Oresteia and Athene's proposal can thus be described as a series of equivalencies between similar character-types, for each of which Zeus supplies the predicate:
Character-type Zeus' Oresteia Athene's proposal
returning Trojan War hero Agamemnon Odysseus
hero's wife Klytaimnestre [Penelope]
hero's faithful son Orestes Telemachos
seducer of hero's wife Aigisthos (of Klytaimnestre) suitors (of Penelope)/Kalypso (of Odysseus)
power opposing seducer "we gods" "we gods"
voice of opposing power Hermes Hermes
Athene thus responds to Zeus' cues in order to formulate a plan for Odysseus that embodies her own desires for her favorite.
I was wondering why would Athena wait so long to release Odysseus after seven years of being a prisoner on Ogygia, and from above quote, it has to do with specific timing and Poseidon needed to be absent at that moment for the "plan" to be initiated.