Guns and Suicide
In the United States, 57 percent of suicides involve guns (National Institute of Mental Health [NIMH], 2002). A longitudinal study of people who had purchased handguns in California found that their risk of suicide increased 57 times in the first week after the purchase (Wintemute et al., 1999). The majority of people who commit suicide by gun, however, use a gun that has been in their household for some time; the presence of a gun in the home increases the risk of suicide by 4 to 5 times (Brent & Bridge, 2003).
Indeed, the most frequent use of a gun in the home is for suicide. Researchers examined 398 consecutive deaths by gun in the homes of families who owned guns (usually handguns). Of these deaths, only 0.5 percent involved intruders shot by families protecting themselves. In contrast, 83 percent were suicides of adolescent or adult family members. Another 12 percent were homicides of one adult in the home by another family member, usually in the midst of a quarrel. The final 3 percent of deaths were due to accidental shootings of a family member (Kellermann, Rivara, Somes, & Reay, 1992).
The mere presence of a firearm in the home appears to be a risk factor for suicide when other risk factors are taken into account, especially when handguns are improperly secured or are kept loaded (Brent et al., 1991). These suicides do not occur only in people with mental disorders. One study found that while the presence of a gun in the home increased the risk of suicide by 3 times for people with a mental disorder, it increased the risk of suicide by 33 times for people without a mental disorder (Kellermann, Rivara, Somes, & Reay, 1992; see also Brent et al., 1993). This apparently counterintuitive finding is the result of the dramatic increase in impulsive suicides conveyed by having a loaded gun in the home, even among people without a known risk factor such as psychopathology (Brent & Bridges, 2003).
Can the number of such suicides be reduced by laws that restrict access to guns? Although not all studies find this to be the case (Ludwig & Cook, 2000), several studies have found that suicide rates are lower in cities, states, or countries with strict antigun legislation that limits people's access to guns (Brent & Bridges, 2003; Leenaars, 2007). For example, one international study showed that the proportion of suicides by gun decreased proportionately with the number of households owning guns; in addition, after countries enacted stricter gun control laws, the proportion of suicides involving guns decreased (Ajdacic-Gross et al., 2006; see also Bridges, 2004). Similarly, in the United States, states with nonrestrictive firearm laws (e.g., Alaska, Kentucky, Montana) or modest firearm laws (e.g., Colorado, North Carolina, Pennsylvania) were shown to have 50 to 65 percent higher rates of suicide by firearms than states with restrictive firearm laws (e.g., California, Illinois, New York), even after controlling for differences in socioeconomic status, race/ethnicity, and urbanization (Conner & Zhong, 2003).
Although people who are intent on committing suicide can find other means to do so when guns are not available, restricting ready access to them appears to reduce impulsive suicides with guns. In addition, some studies suggest that suicides by means other than guns ... show no increase when access to guns is restricted, suggesting that people do not consistently substitute different means of committing suicide when guns are not available (Conner & Zhong, 2003; but see Brent & Bridges, 2003). Instead, the unavailability of guns seems to give people a cooling off period, during which their suicidal impulses can wane (Brent & Bridges, 2003; Lambert & Silva, 1998).