The Golden Age and Indo-European Mythology
With the Golden Age of Magdalenian Europe theoretically coinciding with the inspired reign of Plato's early Atlantic kings, a word should be said before we leave this section about the ubiquity of tales of
a long-ago age of gold. What was referred to earlier as the old model or the existing framework of thought was not, of course, the first paradigm of prehistory. Like Plato's priest, a great many traditions have depicted human history not as an ascent from savagery to civilization, but
as a descent, a descent from a superior humanity or an age of spiritual and material plenty, or both.
Primeval paradises such as that of Hesiod's Golden Race (and of Plato's Statesman), which knew neither arts, crafts, clothing, or governance, are obviously not to be compared with the presumably later and definitely civilized Greek and Atlantic races of the
Timaeus and
Critias. But another sort of Golden Age,
of a more historical nature, was traditionally associated with
the reign of a mythical king or god-king, not unlike Plato's semi-divine Atlantic rulers.
Indo-European peoples are among those who remember such a time, and the memory is believed
to predate the splintering of the Indo-European unity.
The Iranian Yima, for example, who was celebrated as king of the Golden Age throughout Persian literary history, appears as Yama in Indian texts as early as the Rig Veda and as the Giant Ymir of Scandinavian myth. (All of these names are apparently derived from
the Indo-European root yemo, "twin.") Typically, death and disease were unknown to the reign of this First King, and both people and herds throve and increased to the point that Yima was required to enlarge the world three times to accommodate their numbers (Vendidad II. 11-19). The fall from grace of this sun like monarch is variously explained. In one Iranian text the evil material existence seems to have been at fault (Vendidad 11.22); another
blames Yima for introducing falsehood to his mind (Yast XIX.33).
The oldest source (Yasna XXXII.8) accuses him of giving the flesh of cattle to the people to eat (to make them immortal, according to a later annotation), which some have taken to mean the
instituting of ritual animal slaughter or sacrifice. But whatever his sin, or sins, Yima's punishment is generally described as
the loss of the kingly Glory (xvarenah),
which fled from him in the form of a bird. Caught up first by the god Mithra and then by
two legendary Persian heroes (Yast XIX.35-38), the Glory became, as one Iraniologist interprets the text,
"the object of contest between Aryan and non-Aryan forces."
Neither the date nor the domain of this Inda-European First King is specified, but
the mythology surrounding Yima is believed to derive from an archaic stratum of oral folklore that considerably precedes the time of Zarathustra, the prophet who reformed Iranian religion. And if the Greeks were correct in assigning Zarathustra to the seventh millennium BC (for which we shall find evidence in Part V), Yima theoretically could have lived and ruled no later than the eighth millennium,
and possibly a good deal earlier. As for the location of his original rulership (presumably the proto-Indo-European hearth), Herbert Kuhn believed that the Inda-European peoples had already separated by Neolithic times, and that
their unity should be sought in Upper Paleolithic Western Europe. If this theory has merit, as suggested in our earlier comparison of Kurgan harpoons and horse reverence with Magdalenian traditions,
the Golden Age of Magdalenian culture may have reflected the glory of Yima (Yama, Ymir) himself, and he in turn the benevolence of Plato's early Atlantic (twin) kings.
A rather sweeping proposition, to be sure, but there are one or two themes among the very rare examples of narrative art in the Magdalenian collection that seem particularly reminiscent of Iranian myth and rite. The first is shown at its best in
the famous Shaft painting at Lascaux, described by one investigator as "the most striking scene in the entire cave." The Shaft itself is sixteen feet deep and evidently was negotiated by means of a rope. At the bottom a small chamber is dominated by a painted panel some six feet long (fig. 63). Artistically the painting offers no challenge to the magnificent works in Lascaux's Axial Gallery; many of the elements here are no more than sketched, without color or substance. At the center lies a bird-headed or bird-masked man drawn in stiff black lines. Below him
a bird,
also schematically drawn and with a head precisely like that of the man, is perched on a pole. On the right a bison (i.e. Bull) rendered in an unusual style appears to be badly wounded.
63. Scene painted in the shaft at Lascaux, 15,000-14,500 BC. Early Magdalenian
He too is perhaps recumbent; large black loops
believed to be entrails issue from his lower body, and
his head is turned back in that direction.
A line with a barbed hook, which may or may not represent the Bird-Headed Man's spear, lies across the body of the bison. To the left
a rhinoceros is shown moving away from the scene. His belly, chest, and foreleg were never sketched in, and
the six black dots under his upraised tail are of uncertain significance. Leroi-Gourhan believes that this animal may be irrelevant to the main drama, but in the opinion of the Abbe Breuil,
it was the rhinoceros, and not the fallen man, that was responsible for the goring of the bison (i.e. Bull).
Countless numbers of human beings had apparently descended into the Shaft over the years, wearing and blackening the stone at the lip of the chasm. A great many bone points, all broken, and a number of small dish like stone lamps lay below the painted panel. Presumed to have been ritual offerings, these objects add to the impression, generally shared by prehistorians, that
this celebrated chamber played a central role in the religious life of those who visited Lascaux. The most intensive analysis of the cave to date has led its authors to conclude with respect to the Shaft:
Though it is as yet too early to understand the real meaning of it, such consistency between the place, the wall decoration, and the whole assemblage invites us to see in this unity the heart of what was quite obviously a sanctuary.
Too early or not, few prehistorians have failed to offer an explanation of the meaning of the Shaft painting (e.g., hunter slain by bison, shamanic trance; the man's rigid phallus could indicate either condition). None has been found convincing enough for a consensus, however, or for that matter, worthy of enshrinement at the heart of Lascaux. Hunting magic, at one time the answer to all problems in interpreting rock art, also seems to be an inadequate explanation; as Laming-Emperaire pointed out, it is difficult to see how the Bird-Headed Man, if indeed dead or wounded, could further the success of the hunt. She found it more likely that figures such as these represent
"mythical beings who were perhaps connected in some way with the history of the ancestors of the group." If Laming-Emperaire was on the right track, the scene portrayed here may find its closest surviving counterparts in Indo-European cosmogony . The composition in the Lascaux Shaft bear
s a provocative resemblance to the world-creating death of Gayomart (the Iranian First Man) and the Primordial Bull.
As told in the
Persian Bundahisn,
Gayomart and the bull lived in a state of divine bliss until the evil principle broke into the world, causing the death of the pair. When the bull died, its marrow flowed forth to create all the nourishing and healing plants; its semen was borne to the moon for purification and thence to the creation of all species of animals. From Gayomart's body came the metals (originally perhaps the mineral kingdom as a whole); from his own seed, purified in the sun, sprang the ten species of men.
We shall later find that
the creation of the world out of the body of a primeval anthropomorph, or of a slain bull, was not limited to Inda-European traditions. But as Gayomart and the bull have
close counterparts in Scandinavian as well as Vedic mythology, many scholars believe that this theme, like that of Yima's reign, was
known to the Indo-European unity. (In the Norse myth Ymir, who was also associated with a primordial bovid, is slain and the earth made from his flesh, the water from his blood, the mountains from his bones, etc. [
Gylfaginning 6-8]; the sacrifice of the
Vedic Purusa, a name which combines
the Sanskrit words for "man" and "bull," was similarly generative [Rig Veda X.90.vi-xvi].) It has further been suggested that because of the greater conservatism of the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-Europeans, the eastern versions may more closely approximate the original myth. And it is in fact the Iranian account which seems most faithful to the scene in the Lascaux Shaft.
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[the rhinoceros] may well have slain both man and bison. The pronounced ithyphallic condition of the fallen man could signify not only his moribund state but also the release of his seed, while the effluent from the lower belly of the bison may denote his own freed seminal substance, as well as or instead of his entrails. (The barbed line across the body of the bison is in any event
oddly placed to be the man's spear and
may depict a symbolic line of force.) The Persian association of the xvarenah with bird forms (as in Yima's loss of the Glory, above) suggests that
the bird's head or mask on the fallen man and the bird perched below him may represent the immortal Glory which Gayomart himself possessed. Finally, and not of least importance, the slaying of the First Man and the Primordial Bull - the cosmogonic act itself - would have been an eminently appropriate subject for portrayal in the depths of the sanctuary at Lascaux.
The story describing the event depicted in the Shaft may have played
a major part in the oral tradition during the Early and Middle Magdalenian periods;
artistic variations on the man-bison theme have been found at three other European sites, dating from perhaps 17,000 to 12,000 BC. (Lascaux's paintings were executed in the
first half of the fifteenth millennium.) In Persian mythology the death of the First Man did not prevent the celebration of a Golden Age; the resplendent Yima was said to be a descendant of Gayomart, five generations removed (Bundahisn XXXV). However telescoped mythic time may be, if the scene in the Shaft does represent the Indo-European cosmogony,
the reign of Yima and the Magdalenian Golden Age may in fact have been one.
Accepting for the moment this hypothetical identity,
we would expect the decay of art and culture in Late Paleolithic southwest Europe to have marked the fall of Yima (or of his line). It is in this light, perhaps, that one should view the next, and almost the only other, certain examples of narrative art in the Magdalenian collection, apparently rendered later in the Paleolithic period. Of these two carved bone plaques, the one from Les Eyzies (fig. 64a) shows
nine small silhouettes of human figures walking in file toward a bison. They either carry sticks or have been "struck through" by signs of unknown meaning.
64. Magdalenian engravings on bone plaques from (a) Les Eyzies and (b) Raymonden, France (after Marshack, 1972)
The other, from Raymonden (fig. 64b), depicts
the head of a bison, still attached to the spine, with the severed legs of the animal in front. On either side human figures have again been schematically drawn,
one of which also appears to have lines extending from his chest. According to one prehistorian:
"To regard this scene as depicting some magic rite connected with trapping, or the ritual interment of an animal, is altogether far-fetched. The men facing each other from either side of the animal's spine are obviously 'faithful' present at the ceremony."
What sort of ceremony is not specified; we presume
a sacrifice is meant.
Nor is the reason why only now, possibly quite late in the Magdalenian day, does it seem to have been pictorially represented. If this is not merely an accident of recovery, these plaques
may depict rites that had been newly instituted (or perhaps made public) toward the end of the Magdalenian era. We noted earlier that one of Yima's alleged sins
was giving the flesh of cattle to the people to eat, which has been interpreted as the establishing of ritualized slaughter of the bull. If the body of the dismembered bison had been ceremonially consumed by the men surrounding its remains, this was not a dissimilar ritual. Precise dates are lacking , but it is possible that these plaques
were carved during the decline of prehistoric Europe's Golden Age. Did the ceremony they depict
anticipate the end of Yima's reign?
65. Mithra slaying the bull. Roman statue of coarse-grained marble. The significance of the snake, dog, and scorpion that usually accompany these bull-slaying scenes is unclear; the sprouting of grain from the bull's shoulder (or often the tail) has been compared to the events that followed the death of the Iranian Primordial Bull. (after Vermaseren, 1956) (note: this image she uses contains a restoration fault in that originally the head of Mithra would have most likely been turned away from the bull)
Mithra and the Bull
The ceremonial
consumption of a bull would later be typical of many of the initiatory cults of antiquity, among them the mysteries of the Iranian god Mithra, who in the eyes of some Iraniologists was closely connected to the Yima cycle of myth. If, through the institution of animal sacrifice, Yima did intend to confer immortality upon his people, it would agree with the purposes of the mysteries, which aimed at the divinizing, or
the immortalizing, of the individual.
The bull sacrifice in the Mithraic mysteries was apparently a re-enactment of Mithra's mythic slaying of the bull that he had captured in the wild. As reconstructed from Roman monuments,
Mithra had seized a wild bull by the horns and ridden it until the animal was exhausted. He then carried the bull back to his cave, and, in a scene that was familiar throughout the Roman empire, Mithra slew the bull, grasping its nostrils with one hand and plunging a dagger into its side with the other (fig. 65).
From the body of the dying animal emerged, according to one interpretation,
all of the useful plants and herbs which cover the earth. The similarity of this sequence to the murder of the Primordial Bull has not gone unnoticed, but it has also been observed that Mithra's deed recalls the eschatology as well as the cosmogony of the Iranians, who believed that the virtuous would be
immortalized at the end of time through the sacrifice of a sacred bull by a saosyant (savior). 186 In this case, as one authority points out, "it could be said that initiation into the Mysteries
anticipated the final Renovation, in other words, the salvation of the mystes [the participant]."
Franz Cumont believed that the legends of which Mithra is the hero must have been created in an archaic epoch, and that
the practice of consecrating mountain caves to the god was the heritage of a time when temples were not yet constructed. It is true that the Mithraic mysteries were famous for
the use of painted and decorated caves, a resemblance to Magdalenian traditions that is reinforced by the earlier-noted suggestions of
rites of mystical initiation in the Upper Paleolithic caves. Little is known of the prehistory of the Mithraic tradition; the possibility that it was
a good deal older than has generally been suspected will be raised later by the several parallels to Mithraic rite and symbol in the 6th millennium shrines of Çatal Huyuk. But Mithra was associated in later antiquity with the
Armenian river Araxes, not the French Dordogne, and one contemporary Iraniologist has suggested that
the region west of the Caspian Sea - specifically the borderlands between northwestern Iran, Armenia, and the Caucasus - is in fact the most likely homeland of the Mithraic mysteries. If the traditions surrounding this Inda-European god were possibly Magdalenian in origin,
how did Mithraic (or proto-Mithraic) rites get from the painted caves of southwest Europe to the lands west of the Caspian Sea?
We mentioned earlier that Yima had found it necessary to "enlarge the world" three times during his reign in order to accommodate the increase in herds and men.
If the extension of Middle to Late Magdalenian influence across Europe corresponded to the mythic migrations of Yima's people, they would have
spread first into Germanic lands and then as far east as the Russian site of Molodova V by the twelfth millennium BC; the solitary painted cave in the Urals may also date to this time. A thousand years later the Iranian cave site of Ali Tappeh on the eastern side of the Caspian Sea was occupied by people whose excellent bone work included finely eyed needles that the excavator compared to those of southwest Europe.
Had Yima's final expansion reached the Caspian Sea?
Let us look again at the first series of
rock engravings at Kobystan, the earliest art of its kind in Transcaucasia and, from the masterful quality of its execution (see figure 36), apparently the work of newcomers to this region.
36. Deeply engraved figures of men and bulls from the first series of rock art at Kobystan, west of the Caspian Sea (after Formozov, 1963)
We suggested earlier that Plato's all-inclusive war might have carried these foreign bowmen and their artistic style, comparable in many respects to that of the Spanish Levant, to the shores of the Caspian Sea.
The numerous representations of bulls at Kobystan have also been compared stylistically to those of western art, and we can now further observe that the angular lines across the shoulders of the male figures of this first phase
are not unlike the so-called "struck through" marks on the men of the Late Magdalenian plaques. If these large and deeply carved Kobystani figures do represent new arrivals in Transcaucasia, might they
have been leaders
in the last of Yima’s line- and bearers of the bull-centered traditions of Mithra?
Lying just north of the Araxes river (the modern Aras) and above Iranian Azerbaijan, Kobystan is certainly not far from the reputed source of the Mithraic mysteries. It also falls within the region chosen by one prominent early Iraniologist as
the most likely location of Eran-Vej (Airyana Vaejah),the legendary homeland of the Iranian people. (The Persian Bundahisn [XXIX.12] states that Eran-Vej bordered on Azerbaijan, and James Darmesteter felt that the northern side of Azerbaijan best fitted the description in the text.) We shall have a chance to explore these claims later when,
in the sixth millennium BC, peoples with ties to this region begin constructing permanent settlements in northern Mesopotamia, the remains of which yield pottery painted with designs (bull, scorpion , snake) reminiscent of Mithraic symbolism. We would only add here that the excavator of Kobystan believes that, whatever its significance, the area around these engraved rock surfaces continued to be held sacred throughout the remainder of prehistory and into historical times. Even today, there are six pagan sanctuaries in the vicinity, at which the Azerbaijanis offer small pieces of cloth in symbolic sacrifice.
Summary
To close this section on myth we might briefly summarize these suggested links between Magdalenians, proto-Iranians, and Plato's Atlantics, again with the understanding that this is clearly an over simplification of what must have been an extremely complex chain of events. As described in Part I,
the archaeology of Upper Paleolithic Europe records a series of migratory movements out of western Europe, beginning as early as the initial expansion of Magdalenian culture in perhaps the thirteenth millennium BC. Apparently welcome at first, as early Atlantic visitations would also have been, these migrating groups may have become increasingly aggressive as the decay of western culture set in, until we have the situation described by the excavator of the Ukrainian cemeteries as the forcing-out of native eastern Europeans, leaving Europe's first known collection of violent deaths in its wake. At this point,
the sequence intersected the warlike activities elsewhere in the archaeology of ninth millennium Europe and the Near East, theorized as the conflict described in the Timaeus.
In this second section, working backward from
parallels to the Magdalenian harpoons and veneration of the horse in the later, apparently Indo-European, Kurgan culture of the Russian steppes, we revived an earlier theory that placed the proto-Indo-European homeland in Upper Paleolithic western Europe. The most important piece of Magdalenian narrative art, the painting
in the Lascaux Shaft, fit the cosmogonic myth of the Iranians without undue stretching
. We thus ventured to compare the Magdalenian epoch with the mythological Golden Age of Indo-European Yima, whose people, like the southwest Europeans, increased in number during his reign and expanded their range far beyond the boundaries of their original world. Two carved bone plaques of Late Magdalenian age were then offered as possible representations of the animal sacrifices attributed to Yima's last days. In the context of a cave-painting culture, these Magdalenian plaques seemed particularly suggestive of the traditions surrounding the Iranian god Mithra, whose followers also sacrificed bulls and whose later mysteries are known to have been celebrated in painted caves.
Looking then to Epi-Paleolithic Transcaucasia, and with the mythology of Yima' s threefold expansion in mind, we found that the western connections of the Kobystani warriors and their bulls provided a means by which
proto-Mithraic traditions might have been transferred to the region west of the Caspian Sea, believed to have been the homeland of the Mithraic mysteries.
As Mithra was in one aspect a warrior god, our earlier proposal that these newcomers to Kobystan were associated in some way with Plato's war (the contest for Yima's lost Glory?) remains unaffected.
It may seem at this point that the theory of an Iranian connection to Magdalenian and Atlantic traditions is peripheral to our main theme. The plausibility of an historical foundation for Plato's tale does not depend on the strength of the Persian component, or on the identification of the Magdalenian culture as proto-Indo-European. But the questions raised here will be helpful later,
first in dealing with the Mithraic overtones in the bull cults of Çatal Höyük and then in reconstructing
the background of Zarathustra. Furthermore, we are committed not only to trying to see the events of this epoch from Plato's perspective, but also to the construction of a whole picture, however broad and bare, from which future research can coherently develop or depart. If the speculative use of other mythologies seems a radical means to that end, the alternative, it now seems, is to treat the Magdalenian culture as an entertaining curiosity, a persistent anomaly without meaning or relevance to the course of human prehistory. The archaeological sciences have given us
a great deal of valuable technical information
but no real sense of the life and thought of these extraordinary Europeans. Indeed, as one authority on Upper Paleolithic Europe recently remarked, the more refined scientific research becomes, the further the Magdalenian experience seems to recede from our comprehension:
"If there is any inherent point to the increasingly precise reconstructions of Ice Age landscapes provided by the pollen and bone specialists, or to the growing thoroughness with which the symbols of prehistoric art are recorded, it may be to bring home how strange and remote this world is to our imagination.”
Strange and remote it will undoubtedly remain, but not necessarily incomprehensible, if the resources of ancient literature are added to those of modern archaeology. The advisability of using both to reconstruct the Paleolithic world is perhaps most clearly perceived in the light of later, Neolithic, developments. As we shall see in the following section, the first great wave of Neolithic settlers appears to have brought to the Near East more than the material bases of the civilizations of the Bronze and later ages:
a number of the spiritual bases - the mythologies - of those later civilizations seem to have been known as well to the men of what was, following Plato, the post-deluge period of prehistory.