Re: Historical Events Database
By the way, the quoted text in the previous post is from Lapidge's "The Anglo Saxon Library".
Since I'm working this out in my head as I go along, let's continue and if anybody finds anything to add or sees a big glitch, let me know.
So, we have a story about some monks heading for the hills of England in 597 on a "Gregorian Mission" to convert the Anglo Saxons following which, we supposedly have some Greek monkly types with high-sounding titles traveling up there with a bunch of books. Let's see if there is a connection.
I wrote above about the Gregorian mission: "Or was the first wave "refugees" that went to England and in true "elite style", subdued the natives to their doctrine and then later, sent representatives to see how things were going and to say "hey, we've got it pretty good up here... send more peeps and books!" Let's check a quick Roman History Timeline according to the mainstream:
Here is the other side of that story from Wikipedia, seriously dressed up, I should add: (for notes and references, check Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Augustine_of_Canterbury )
So, we have Augustine and his pals all cozy with a local chieftain AKA King, who was married to a Frankish lady of the "Royal Merovingians" ... and we are wondering how a chunk of an Eastern Greek chronicle found its way into the History of the Franks written by a "Gregory of Tours"???
But wait, we have a little time before our Greek monks arrive from Rome. Before their arrival, there were other archbishops following Augustine - or so we are told. See the list here: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Archbishops_of_Canterbury The three following Augustine were all members of his mission, allegedly. And then, native archbishops, in the middle of which we suddenly see Theodore from Cilicia??? He sticks out like a sore thumb.
But, clearly, something was afoot with all these power-mad church guys cozying up to the ruling elite. Clearly, they ALL knew what had happened to the Empire, and they were doing what pathological types always do when their con is exposed: move to another place, wait for the heat to cool down, and keep playing the game. That's what this whole thing looks like from a distance. All the grandiose history that was written later about their marvelous church, their holy saints, etc etc, was a load of bollocks.
Anyway, it seems to me that the cozy affair with the Anglo-Saxons and Franks may have led to the necessity of providing a sufficiently estimable history for said Franks and Anglo-Saxons, and this was probably discussed openly. It was probably realized that they wouldn't be able to get away with a history that did NOT include some catastrophic events, duly recorded as background, so some talent was needed. The travels to Rome by Benedict Biscop probably were in search of suitable talent and materials.
Yeah, I bet he was "full "full of fervour and enthusiasm ... for the good" of the power elite of which he was a member.
And I just bet that their library also included Syrian and Greek texts from which they lifted the skeleton of the History of the Franks.
By the way, the quoted text in the previous post is from Lapidge's "The Anglo Saxon Library".
Since I'm working this out in my head as I go along, let's continue and if anybody finds anything to add or sees a big glitch, let me know.
So, we have a story about some monks heading for the hills of England in 597 on a "Gregorian Mission" to convert the Anglo Saxons following which, we supposedly have some Greek monkly types with high-sounding titles traveling up there with a bunch of books. Let's see if there is a connection.
I wrote above about the Gregorian mission: "Or was the first wave "refugees" that went to England and in true "elite style", subdued the natives to their doctrine and then later, sent representatives to see how things were going and to say "hey, we've got it pretty good up here... send more peeps and books!" Let's check a quick Roman History Timeline according to the mainstream:
380 - The Ostrogothic Christian emperor Theodosius makes Christianity the official religion of Rome, persecuting pagans and destroying temples.
395 - Ravenna becomes the capital of the Western Roman Empire, whilst Constantinople that of the east.
410 - Rome is sacked by Alaric, King of the Visigoths
455 - Rome is sacked by Genseric, King of the Vandals
476 - Romulus Augustulus is deposed, traditionally considered the end of the Western Roman Empire and the beginning of the Middle Ages in Europe. Byzantium continues to be the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire.
496 - The first pope to achieve the Pontifex Maximus is Anastasius II.
{60 year skip?}
546 - Rome is sacked by Totila, King of the Ostrogoths
c. 590 - 604 - Pope Gregory the Great makes the Christian church exceedingly strong.
609 - The Pantheon becomes a Christian church.
630 - The Church of Sant' Agnese is the first Roman church to be constructed in Byzantine style.
725 - The King Ine of Wessex is the first man to create a hostel for pilgrims to Rome.
778 - Charlemagne conquers Italy and Rome. {And thus could plunder and control manuscripts almost at will unless they were carefully hidden.}
800 - Charlemagne is crowned the emperor in St. Peter's Basilica. {Never mind that Rome was still in ruins.}
Here is the other side of that story from Wikipedia, seriously dressed up, I should add: (for notes and references, check Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Augustine_of_Canterbury )
After the withdrawal of the Roman legions from their province of Britannia in 410, the inhabitants were left to defend themselves against the attacks of the Saxons. Before the Roman withdrawal Britannia had been converted to Christianity and produced the ascetic Pelagius.[4][5] Britain sent three bishops to the Council of Arles in 314, and a Gaulish bishop went to the island in 396 to help settle disciplinary matters.[6] Material remains testify to a growing presence of Christians, at least until around 360.[7] After the Roman legions departed, pagan tribes settled the southern parts of the island while western Britain, beyond the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, remained Christian. This native British Church developed in isolation from Rome under the influence of missionaries from Ireland[4][5] and was centred on monasteries instead of bishoprics. Other distinguishing characteristics were its calculation of the date of Easter and the style of the tonsure haircut that clerics wore.[5][8] Evidence for the survival of Christianity in the eastern part of Britain during this time includes the survival of the cult of Saint Alban and the occurrence in place names of eccles, derived from the Latin ecclesia, meaning "church".[9] There is no evidence that these native Christians tried to convert the Anglo-Saxons.[10][11] The invasions destroyed most remnants of Roman civilisation in the areas held by the Saxons and related tribes, including the economic and religious structures .[12]
{Here we see another major destruction attributed to barbarian invaders. In fact, if one reads Nennius carefully, it seems that this may have been another instance of cometary destruction and it was covered up in the Roman history by the alleged sack of Rome by Alaric. Do note that sacking Rome wouldn't have made much difference since the capital of the Western Empire had already been moved to Ravenna and was to stay there, and be called "Rome" for a very long time. Anyway, a hundred years supposedly goes by while Britain is in "darkness" or basically on its own and then...}
It was against this background that Pope Gregory I decided to send a mission, often called the Gregorian mission, to convert the Anglo-Saxons to Christianity in 595.[13][14] The Kingdom of Kent was ruled by Æthelberht, who married a Christian princess named Bertha before 588,[15] and perhaps earlier than 560.[16] Bertha was the daughter of Charibert I, one of the Merovingian kings of the Franks. ...
The historian Ian Wood feels that the initiative came from the Kentish court as well as the queen.[19] Other historians, however, believe that Gregory initiated the mission, although the exact reasons remain unclear. Bede, an 8th-century monk who wrote a history of the English church, recorded a famous story in which Gregory saw fair-haired Saxon slaves from Britain in the Roman slave market and was inspired to try to convert their people.[21] More practical matters, such as the acquisition of new provinces acknowledging the primacy of the papacy, and a desire to influence the emerging power of the Kentish kingdom under Æthelberht, were probably involved.[18] The mission may have been an outgrowth of the missionary efforts against the Lombards who, as pagans and Arian Christians, were not on good relations with the Catholic church in Rome.[22]
....Trade between the Franks and Æthelberht's kingdom was well established, and the language barrier between the two regions was apparently only a minor obstacle, as the interpreters for the mission came from the Franks. Lastly, Kent's proximity to the Franks allowed support from a Christian area.[23] There is some evidence, including Gregory's letters to Frankish kings in support of the mission, that some of the Franks felt that they had a claim to overlordship over some of the southern British kingdoms at this time. ... Frankish influence was not merely political; archaeological remains attest to a cultural influence as well.[24]
In 595, Gregory chose Augustine, who was the prior of the Abbey of St Andrew's in Rome, to head the mission to Kent.[13] The pope selected monks to accompany Augustine and sought support from the Frankish royalty and clergy in a series of letters, of which some copies survive in Rome. He wrote to King Theuderic II of Burgundy and to King Theudebert II of Austrasia, as well as their grandmother Brunhild, seeking aid for the mission. Gregory thanked King Chlothar II of Neustria for aiding Augustine. Besides hospitality, the Frankish bishops and kings provided interpreters and Frankish priests to accompany the mission.[25] By soliciting help from the Frankish kings and bishops, Gregory helped to assure a friendly reception for Augustine in Kent, as Æthelbert was unlikely to mistreat a mission which visibly had the support of his wife's relatives and people.[26] Moreover, the Franks appreciated the chance to participate in mission that would extend their influence in Kent. Chlothar, in particular, needed a friendly realm across the Channel to help guard his kingdom's flanks against his fellow Frankish kings.[27]...
Augustine was accompanied by Laurence of Canterbury, his eventual successor to the archbishopric, and a group of about 40 companions, some of whom were monks.[15] ... In 597, Augustine and his companions landed in Kent.[15] They achieved some initial success soon after their arrival:[22][28] Æthelberht permitted the missionaries to settle and preach in his capital of Canterbury where they used the church of St Martin's for services.[30] Neither Bede nor Gregory mentions the date of Æthelberht's conversion,[31] but it probably took place in 597.[30][c] In the early medieval period, large-scale conversions required the ruler's conversion first, and Augustine is recorded as making large numbers of converts within a year of his arrival in Kent.[30] Also, by 601, Gregory was writing to both Æthelberht and Bertha, calling the king his son and referring to his baptism.[d] A late medieval tradition, recorded by the 15th-century chronicler Thomas Elmham, gives the date of the king's conversion as Whit Sunday, or 2 June 597; there is no reason to doubt this date, although there is no other evidence for it.[30] Against a date in 597 is a letter of Gregory's to Patriarch Eulogius of Alexandria in June 598, which mentions the number of converts made by Augustine, but does not mention any baptism of the king. However, it is clear that by 601 the king had been converted.[32] His baptism likely took place at Canterbury.[33] ...
In a letter Gregory wrote to the patriarch of Alexandria in 598, he claimed that more than 10,000 Christians had been baptised; the number may be exaggerated but there is no reason to doubt that a mass conversion took place.[15][28] However, there were probably some Christians already in Kent before Augustine arrived, remnants of the Christians who lived in Britain in the later Roman Empire.[11] Little literary traces remain of them, however.[38] One other effect of the king's conversion by Augustine's mission was that the Frankish influence on the southern kingdoms of Britain was decreased.[39]
Contemporary letters from Pope Gregory, however, refer to Augustine as a bishop before he arrived in England. A letter of Gregory's from September 597 calls Augustine a bishop, and one dated ten months later says Augustine had been consecrated on Gregory's command by bishops of the German lands.[34] {How then, did the English monks later presume to send missionaries to Germany???} The historian R. A. Markus discusses the various theories of when and where Augustine was consecrated, and suggests he was consecrated before arriving in England, but argues the evidence does not permit deciding exactly where this took place.[35]
Soon after his arrival, Augustine founded the monastery of Saints Peter and Paul, which later became St Augustine's Abbey,[22] on land donated by the king.[36] ...
...Augustine sent Laurence back to Rome with a report of his success, along with questions about the mission.[40] Bede records the letter and Gregory's replies in chapter 27 of his Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum; this section of the History is usually known as the Libellus responsionum.[41][42] Augustine asked for Gregory's advice on a number of issues, including how to organise the church, the punishment for church robbers, guidance on who was allowed to marry whom, and the consecration of bishops. Other topics were relations between the churches of Britain and Gaul, childbirth and baptism, and when it was lawful for people to receive communion and for a priest to celebrate mass.[42]
Further missionaries were sent from Rome in 601. They brought a pallium for Augustine and a present of sacred vessels, vestments, relics, and books.[e] The pallium was the symbol of metropolitan status, and signified that Augustine was now an archbishop unambiguously associated with the Holy See. Along with the pallium, a letter from Gregory directed the new archbishop to ordain 12 suffragan bishops as soon as possible and to send a bishop to York. Gregory's plan was that there would be two metropolitans, one at York and one at London, with 12 suffragan bishops under each archbishop. As part of this plan, Augustine was expected to transfer his archiepiscopal see to London from Canterbury. The move from Canterbury to London never happened; no contemporary sources give the reason,[47] but it was probably because London was not part of Æthelberht's domains. Instead, London was part of the kingdom of Essex, ruled by Æthelberht's nephew Saebert of Essex, who converted to Christianity in 604.[18][48] The historian S. Brechter has suggested that the metropolitan see was indeed moved to London, and that it was only with the abandonment of London as a see after the death of Æthelberht that Canterbury became the archiepiscopal see. This theory contradicts Bede's version of events, however.[49]
In 604, Augustine founded two more bishoprics in Britain. Two men who had come to Britain with him in 601 were consecrated, Mellitus as Bishop of London and Justus as Bishop of Rochester.[18][50][51] Bede relates that Augustine, with the help of the king, "recovered" a church built by Roman Christians in Canterbury.[52][f] It is not clear if Bede meant that Augustine rebuilt the church or that Augustine merely reconsecrated a building that had been used for pagan worship. Archaeological evidence seems to support the latter interpretation; in 1973 the remains of an aisled building dating from the Romano-British period were uncovered just south of the present Canterbury Cathedral.[52] The historian Ian Wood argues that the existence of the Libellus points to more contact between Augustine and the native Christians because the topics covered in the work are not restricted to conversion from paganism, but also dealt with relations between differing styles of Christianity.[55]
Augustine failed to extend his authority to the Christians in Wales and Dumnonia to the west. Gregory had decreed that these Christians should submit to Augustine and that their bishops should obey him,[56] apparently believing that more of the Roman governmental and ecclesiastical organisation survived in Britain than was actually the case.[57] According to the narrative of Bede, the Britons in these regions viewed Augustine with uncertainty, and their suspicion was compounded by a diplomatic misjudgement on Augustine's part.[58] In 603, Augustine and Æthelberht summoned the British bishops to a meeting south of the Severn. These guests retired early to confer with their people,[59] who, according to Bede, advised them to judge Augustine based upon the respect he displayed at their next meeting. When Augustine failed to rise from his seat on the entrance of the British bishops,[60] they refused to recognise him as their archbishop.[59][61] {That sounds like a tale from the life of Julius Caesar.} There were, however, deep differences between Augustine and the British church that perhaps played a more significant role in preventing an agreement. At issue were the tonsure, the observance of Easter, and practical and deep-rooted differences in approach to asceticism, missionary endeavours, and how the church itself was organised.[58] Some historians believe that Augustine had no real understanding of the history and traditions of the British church, damaging his relations with their bishops.[61] Also, there were political dimensions involved, as Augustine's efforts were sponsored by the Kentish king, and at this period the Wessex and Mercian kingdoms were expanding to the west, into areas held by the Britons.[62]
Easier to implement were Rome's mandates concerning pagan temples and celebrations. Temples were to be consecrated for Christian use,[63] and feasts, if possible, moved to days celebrating Christian martyrs. One religious site was revealed to be a shrine of a local St Sixtus, whose worshippers were unaware of details of the martyr's life or death. They may have been native Christians, but Augustine did not treat them as such. When Gregory was informed, he told Augustine to stop the cult and use the shrine for the Roman St Sixtus.[64]
Gregory legislated on the behaviour of the laity and the clergy. He placed the new mission directly under papal authority and made it clear that English bishops would have no authority over Frankish counterparts nor vice versa. Other directives dealt with the training of native clergy and the missionaries' conduct.[65]
...Augustine received liturgical books from the pope, but their exact contents are unknown. They may have been some of the new mass books that were being written at this time. The exact liturgy that Augustine introduced to England remains unknown, but it would have been a form of the Latin language liturgy in use at Rome.[68]
Before his death, Augustine consecrated Laurence as his successor to the archbishopric, probably to ensure an orderly transfer of office.[69] Although at the time of Augustine's death, 26 May 604,[22] the mission barely extended beyond Kent, his undertaking introduced a more active missionary style into the British Isles. Despite the earlier presence of Christians in Ireland and Wales, no efforts had been made to try to convert the Saxon invaders. Augustine was sent to convert the descendants of those invaders, and eventually became the decisive influence in Christianity in the British Isles.[58][70] Much of his success came about because of Augustine's close relationship with Æthelberht, which gave the archbishop time to establish himself.[71] Augustine's example also influenced the great missionary efforts of the Anglo-Saxon Church.[72][73]...
A life of Augustine was written by Goscelin around 1090, but this life portrays Augustine in a different light than Bede's account. Goscelin's account has little new historical content, mainly being filled with miracles and imagined speeches.[76] Building on this account, later medieval writers continued to add new miracles and stories to Augustine's life, often quite fanciful.[77] These authors included William of Malmesbury, who claimed that Augustine founded Cerne Abbey,[78] the author (generally believed to be John Brompton) of a late medieval chronicle containing invented letters from Augustine,[79] and a number of medieval writers who included Augustine in their romances.[80] Another problem with investigating Augustine's saintly cult is the confusion resulting because most medieval liturgical documents mentioning Augustine do not distinguish between Augustine of Canterbury and Augustine of Hippo, a fourth-century saint. Medieval Scandinavian liturgies feature Augustine of Canterbury quite often, however.[81] During the English Reformation, Augustine's shrine was destroyed and his relics were lost.
So, we have Augustine and his pals all cozy with a local chieftain AKA King, who was married to a Frankish lady of the "Royal Merovingians" ... and we are wondering how a chunk of an Eastern Greek chronicle found its way into the History of the Franks written by a "Gregory of Tours"???
But wait, we have a little time before our Greek monks arrive from Rome. Before their arrival, there were other archbishops following Augustine - or so we are told. See the list here: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Archbishops_of_Canterbury The three following Augustine were all members of his mission, allegedly. And then, native archbishops, in the middle of which we suddenly see Theodore from Cilicia??? He sticks out like a sore thumb.
But, clearly, something was afoot with all these power-mad church guys cozying up to the ruling elite. Clearly, they ALL knew what had happened to the Empire, and they were doing what pathological types always do when their con is exposed: move to another place, wait for the heat to cool down, and keep playing the game. That's what this whole thing looks like from a distance. All the grandiose history that was written later about their marvelous church, their holy saints, etc etc, was a load of bollocks.
Anyway, it seems to me that the cozy affair with the Anglo-Saxons and Franks may have led to the necessity of providing a sufficiently estimable history for said Franks and Anglo-Saxons, and this was probably discussed openly. It was probably realized that they wouldn't be able to get away with a history that did NOT include some catastrophic events, duly recorded as background, so some talent was needed. The travels to Rome by Benedict Biscop probably were in search of suitable talent and materials.
Benedict Biscop (c. 628 – 690), also known as Biscop Baducing, was an Anglo-Saxon abbot and founder of Monkwearmouth-Jarrow Priory (where he also founded the famous library) and was considered a saint after his death.
Benedict was born of a noble Northumbrian family and was for a time a thegn of King Oswiu.[3] At the age of 25 Benedict made the first of five trips to Rome, accompanying his friend Saint Wilfrid the Elder. However Wilfrid was detained in Lyon en route. Benedict completed the journey on his own and, when he returned to England, he was "full of fervour and enthusiasm ... for the good of the English Church."...
Benedict made his third trip to Rome. At this time he was commissioned by the pope to accompany Archbishop Theodore of Tarsus back to Canterbury in 669. On their return Benedict was appointed abbot of SS. Peter and Paul's, Canterbury, by Archbishop Theodore, a role he held for two years.
Yeah, I bet he was "full "full of fervour and enthusiasm ... for the good" of the power elite of which he was a member.
Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury (668-90), a Greek monk from Tarsus in Cilicia who had studied at Antioch and Constantinople, and had latterly been a member of the community of Greek-speaking Cilician monks at the monastery of S. Anastasio in Rome, arrived in England in 669, to be followed a year later by his colleague Hadrian (d. 709), a Greek-speaking monk from Libya in Africa, who had latterly been abbot of the monastery of Nisida in the Bay of Naples, and who on arrival in England became abbot of the monastery of SS Peter and Paul (later St Augustine's) in Canterbury. These two scholars brought to England a vast experience of Mediterranean scholarship, and they promptly established a school in Canterbury, to which (as Bede says), 'they attracted a crowd of students into whose minds they daily poured the streams of wholesome learning'…. {I bet they did.}
In the biblical commentaries, Theodore and Hadrian quote verbatim and in extenso from large numbers of books, in Greek and Latin. Of Greek authors, the following are quoted by name: Basil, Clement of Alexandria, Cosmas Indicopleustes (named as Christianus historiographus), Ephrem the Syrian, Epiphanius (sx), Evagrius [Ponticus], Gregory of Nazianzus, John Chrysostom (6x), Josephus, Sophronius, and Theophilus; in addition to these, a substantial number of Greek authors were laid under contribution anonymously.
It is particularly striking that the commentators quote from Greek texts which have not come down to us: from what were apparently writings in Greek by John Cassian, Evagrius (Ponticus), and Rufinus, the latter containing a Greek word unattested in any other surviving Greek text.8 The number of Latin authorities quoted in the biblical commentaries is far smaller, and included works by Augustine, Isidore, and Jerome (six works in total)….
The sum of these references, in Greek and Latin, implies a substantial library.
And I just bet that their library also included Syrian and Greek texts from which they lifted the skeleton of the History of the Franks.