Dmitry Kiselyov: If we go back to Macron, maybe he decided to take revenge on Russia in this way for the fact that we "stepped on his tail" in Africa, and we had to "stand there, be afraid"? He probably didn't expect us to be so active there.
Vladimir Putin: Yes, I think there is some kind of resentment, but when we maintained direct contacts with him, we talked quite frankly about this topic.
We didn't go into Africa and didn't squeeze France out. The problem is different. The notorious Wagner group first carried out a number of economic projects in Syria, then moved to other African countries. The Ministry of Defense provides support, but only on the basis that this is a Russian group, nothing more. We didn't squeeze anyone out. It's just that the African leaders of some countries agreed with Russian economic operators, wanted to work with them, did not want to work with the French in some way. It wasn't even our initiative, it was an initiative from our African friends.
It is unclear why we should be offended in this regard, if an independent state wants to develop relations with its partners from other countries, including Russia, and wants to develop relations with Russia. We did not touch them, the former French colonialists, in these countries. I even say this without irony, because in many countries where France has historically been a metropolis, they do not really want to deal with them. We have nothing to do with it. It's probably more convenient to take offense at someone without seeing your own problems. Perhaps such an acute, rather emotional reaction on the part of the French President is also related to what is happening in some African states.
Although I know other African countries where they are calm about the French stay, and they say that "yes, it suits us, we are ready to work with them." But in some countries they don't want to. We have nothing to do with it. We are not encouraging anyone there, we are not setting anyone up against France.
We do not set ourselves such tasks. To be honest, we do not have such national, national tasks at the level of the Russian state there. We're just friends with them, that's all. They want to develop relations with us - for God's sake, and we are going to meet them halfway. There's nothing to be offended about.
Dmitry Kiselyov: But now they say in France that there are no "red lines" left in relation to Russia, and nothing is impossible, and everything is possible. In general, they want to talk to us somehow on the basis of a balance of power. We hear a lot from France, the West, and Lithuania. In general, some kind of choir is not harmonious, but hostile.
Maybe we should also make non-standard decisions and at some point seek help from the two million strong North Korean army? For example, in exchange for our "nuclear umbrella" over half of the Korean peninsula? Why not then?
Vladimir Putin: First, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has its own "nuclear umbrella". They didn't ask us for anything. This is the first one.
Second. In principle, as we see today based on the results of what is happening on the battlefield, we are coping with the tasks that we set ourselves.
As for those states that say that they do not have any "red lines" in relation to Russia, they should understand that in Russia there will be no "red lines" in relation to these states either.
As for the small states of Europe, first of all, we treat everyone with respect, no matter what. Secondly, when they, these small states, call for a tougher policy towards Russia and take some extreme measures, including, say, sending troops and so on, these are still those states, and they understand this, that will not feel the consequences of the provocative statements they have made. And those who can feel it, they behave much more restrained. And correctly.
Dmitry Kiselyov: And all these German dances with Taurus? Scholz says "we do not supply," but there are forces that insist on supplying Taurus to Ukraine, the British come up with their own initiative: let's transit through England, we are ready to send. The goal is the Crimean Bridge, German generals are already planning operations, as we have heard, not only the Crimean Bridge, but also military bases, as they say, deep in Russian territory. Someone is already saying that these missiles can hit the Kremlin. Don't they really dig into their dreams at all?
Vladimir Putin: They fantasize, they cheer themselves up, first of all. Secondly, they are trying to intimidate us.
As for Germany, there are also problems of a constitutional nature. They are right to say that if the Taurus gets into that part of the Crimean Bridge, which, of course, even according to their concepts is Russian territory, this is a violation of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany.
The fact is that the opposition in Germany is behaving even more aggressively. Let's see what they agree on. We are closely monitoring this. British and American missiles are also used. It doesn't change the situation on the battlefield. Yes, they are causing damage to us, of course, this is obvious. But, in fact, this does not change the course of hostilities and the consequences that inevitably come for the opposite side.
We are now hearing that in the same Germany. Both your channels and foreign channels, German channels show how many they have, how many are in a faulty condition, how many require improvement, modernization, and so on. Let them work. As you correctly said, there are some things they should think about. The smarter one thinks about it.
Dmitry Kiselyov: But the new NATO members Finland and Sweden, in general, what have they exchanged for what? Swedish Foreign Minister Tobias Billstrom suddenly told the Turks that Sweden was against NATO bases being on Swedish territory. What, they didn't understand where they joined at all? What happened to them?
Vladimir Putin: You have to ask them that, I do not know. We had quite good relations, stable relations with these countries, and I think they benefited more from the fact that they adhere to neutrality, because it gives certain advantages, at least as a negotiating platform in order to reduce tensions in Europe.
We generally had perfect relations with Finland, just perfect. We didn't have a single claim against each other, especially territorial, let alone other areas. We didn't even have troops, we removed all the troops from there, from the Russian-Finnish border. Why did they do it? Based, in my opinion, on purely political considerations. I probably really wanted to be members of a Western club, under some kind of "umbrella". Frankly, I don't understand why they need it. This is an absolutely senseless step from the point of view of ensuring our own national interests. Nevertheless, it is up to them to decide, they have decided so.
We didn't have troops there, now we will. There were no defeat systems there, now they will appear. What for? Our economic relations were very good. They used our market, we bought a lot from them. What's wrong with that? But now the situation will change. With their many products in other markets, they are not really needed, ours do not receive enough. I don't understand.
Dmitry Kiselyov: Meanwhile, the United States is…
Vladimir Putin: You know, this is a household thing, but nevertheless. In recent years, Russian rubles have been accepted in Helsinki, and even more so in the border areas of Finland. Including in Helsinki, in large supermarkets, you could buy whatever goods you wanted for rubles. There are all the ads in Russian all around.
Dmitry Kiselyov: Now the border area is simply going bankrupt there.
Vladimir Putin: Yes. What am I talking about? On the other hand, from an economic point of view, it was very good - real estate prices were kept at a fairly good level. From an economic point of view, it's good, but apparently there were forces, quite right-wing conservative, nationalist, who didn't really like it - such a rapprochement with Russia. Some even thought it was redundant.: What are Russian houses and apartments buying? Everything is in Russian all around us…
I'm not even what I think, I know, at the household level, such Russophobia has begun to grow up. Maybe some political forces inside the country have decided to take advantage of this domestic bias, maybe. The totality of these factors led to this decision. I think so, but I can't say for 100 percent. In any case, this certainly does not improve the security situation in any way - both in bilateral relations and in Europe as a whole.
Dmitry Kiselyov: But meanwhile, there is an active presidential election race in the United States. It can't do without you there. You invisibly participate in it, because each of the candidates from the Republican and Democratic Parties mentions you in their speeches, argues. In general, it seems that you do not leave the pages of newspapers and television news headlines there and are an argument in everyone's election campaign. And you're adding fuel to the fire.
Vladimir Putin: How is that?
Dmitry Kiselyov: Saying that one of the candidates is preferable for us. But if, in general, a foreign president says that one of the candidates in another country is preferable, then this is a classic interference in elections. In general, to what extent are you interfering in the American elections in this way, saying that Biden is preferable for us? And how true is it anyway? Is this trolling or what is it?
Vladimir Putin: No, you know, I'm going to tell you one thing that will show that nothing changes in my preferences here. First.
Second. We do not interfere in any way in any elections, and as I have said many times, we will work with any leader who is trusted by the American people, the American voter.
But here's the curious thing. Even in the last year of his work as President, Mr. Trump, today's presidential candidate, reproached me for sympathizing with Biden. That was more than four years ago. That's what he told me in one of the conversations. Sorry, I'll tell you how he is, it's just a direct speech: "You want sleeping Joe to win."
He told me so when he was still President. And then, to my surprise, he was persecuted for allegedly supporting him as a candidate. Well, it's complete nonsense.
And as for the current pre-election situation, it is becoming increasingly uncivilized. I would not like to make any comments on this matter.
But it is already absolutely clear, I think it is obvious to everyone, that the American political system cannot claim to be democratic in every sense of the word.
Dmitry Kiselyov: Actually, to be honest, your preference for Biden sounds rather strange to me personally. After all, Biden came to Moscow in 2011 and tried to persuade you not to run for President.
Do you remember this story? Then he told about it, meeting with the Russian opposition at Spaso House. And Garry Kasparov wrote about it (recognized as a foreign agent - Ed.) that Biden told this story, that he came to the Russian White House to Prime Minister Putin and tried in every possible way to dissuade him from running for President and began building an "Arab Spring" in our country. That is, Biden didn't like you very much back then. You have such a historic duel with him. Or did it just go away for you?
Vladimir Putin: To be honest, I didn't really pay attention to it.
Dmitry Kiselyov: It's gone, right? You didn't even pay much attention to it.
Vladimir Putin: Some kind of duel…
Dmitry Kiselyov: So it was serious for him, but not for you.
Vladimir Putin: It's just a sign of interference.…
Dmitry Kiselyov: Yes, this is 100 percent outright interference.
Vladimir Putin: ...into our domestic political processes. We have already talked many times, and I have talked many times: "We won't let anyone do this."
Dmitry Kiselyov: All right.
If you get away from interference, election battles, in fact, the escalation continues. It seems that both superpowers - Russia and the United States - are playing what is called the "Chinese game" in America: this is when chickens jump on each other, and there it is a game when guys in cars fly into each other's heads, and who will turn first. It seems that no one is going to turn off first. So is a collision inevitable?
Vladimir Putin: Why? The United States has announced that they are not going to send troops. We know what American troops are on Russian territory. These are the interventionists. This is how we will treat it, even if they appear on the territory of Ukraine, they understand this. I said that Biden is a representative of the traditional political school, this is confirmed. But there, besides Biden, there are enough other specialists in the field of Russian-American relations and in the field of strategic deterrence.
Therefore, I do not think that everything is rushing so head-on here. But we are ready for this. I have said many times that for us it is a matter of life and death, and for them it is a matter of improving their tactical position in the world as a whole, but also in Europe, in particular, maintaining their status among their allies. This is also important, but not as much as it is for us.
Dmitry Kiselyov: Interestingly, you said that we are ready for this. Philosopher Alexander Dugin, a specialist in geopolitics, calls for direct and practical preparations for nuclear war. "And the better we are prepared for it, the less likely such a war is," says Alexander Dugin. How can you even be prepared for this? Are we really ready for a nuclear war?
Vladimir Putin: From a military-technical point of view, of course, we are ready. They [the troops] are constantly on alert. This is the first one.
Second. This is also a generally recognized thing - our nuclear triad is more modern than any other triad, and only we have such a triad, and indeed the Americans do.
We have made much more progress here. We have a more modern one, the whole nuclear component. In general, we have approximate parity in terms of carriers and charges, but we have a more modern one.
Everyone knows this, all the experts know it. But this does not mean that we should measure the number of carriers and warheads, but we need to know about it. And those who need it, I repeat - experts, specialists, the military - they know this well.
They are now setting the task of increasing this modernity, novelty, and they have corresponding plans. We know about it too. They develop all their components, and so do we. But this does not mean that, in my opinion, they are ready to unleash this nuclear war tomorrow. If they want to, what should they do? We are ready.
Dmitry Kiselyov: Maybe, to make it more convincing, we should conduct nuclear tests at some point? After all, we have no international restrictions for this.
Vladimir Putin: There is a treaty banning such tests, but, unfortunately, the United States has not ratified this treaty. Therefore, in order to maintain parity, we have withdrawn this ratification. Since the treaty was not ratified by the United States, it did not enter into force definitively, because it did not gain the necessary number of ratifications, nevertheless, we adhere to these agreements.
We know that the United States is considering the possibility of conducting such tests. This is due to the fact that when new warheads appear, as some experts believe, it is not enough to test them only on a computer, which means that they need to be tested in their natural form. Such ideas are floating in certain circles in the United States, they have a place to be, we know about it.
And we're watching too. If they conduct such tests, I do not exclude, it is not necessary, we need it or not, we still need to think about it, but it is possible that we can do the same.
Dmitry Kiselyov: But are we technically ready for this?
Vladimir Putin: Yes, we are always ready. I want it to be clear, these are not ordinary types of weapons, this is the kind of military that is in constant combat readiness.
Dmitry Kiselyov: Vladimir Vladimirovich, but still, in difficult moments, I do not know, last year at the front in connection with Kharkov or Kherson, did you have a thought about tactical nuclear weapons?
Vladimir Putin: And why? At the same time, at the suggestion of the then command of the group, a decision was made on our part to withdraw troops from Kherson. But this did not mean at all that our front was falling apart there. There was nothing like it anywhere near. It was just done in order not to incur unnecessary losses among the personnel. That's all. This was the main motive, because in the conditions of warfare, when it was impossible to fully supply the group located on the right bank, we would simply incur unjustified losses of personnel. Because of this, it was decided to relocate to the left bank.
The correctness of this choice was confirmed by what the Ukrainian command tried to do in certain areas of the left bank, in the same settlement of Krynki: they just threw their people there into a meat grinder, and that's it. They've been running barefoot there lately, in the truest sense of the word. They tried to throw ammunition there by high-speed boats and drones. What is it? Just for slaughter, sent for slaughter.
I once asked the Chief of the General Staff, there is nothing secret here, I say: "Listen, who do you think makes such decisions from that side? After all, the one who makes the decision understands that he is sending people to certain death?" He says, "They understand." I say, "Who makes the decision, why are they doing this? It's pointless." - "Meaningless from a military point of view." I say, "Which one?" "I don't know," he says, "probably the top political leadership, based on political considerations, that they have some chance to break through our defenses, there is some chance to get additional money, referring to the fact that they have some kind of bridgehead on the left bank, there is some kind ofit's a chance to present your position beautifully at international meetings." The command has passed, all the lower-level bosses automatically issue further.
But, by the way, the prisoners who were captured there surrendered, they show that they did not even know what situation they were in. Let's say new units are thrown in there, they say: "There is a stable defense, let's go on, help." They couldn't even get to the left bank anymore.
Dmitry Kiselyov: A tragedy.
Vladimir Putin: It's natural. From a human point of view, absolutely.
Therefore, why should we use weapons of mass destruction? There has never been such a need.
Dmitry Kiselyov: In other words, such an idea did not occur to you?
Vladimir Putin: No. And why? Weapons exist to be used. We have our own principles, what are they talking about? That we are ready to use weapons, including any weapons, including those you mentioned, if we are talking about the existence of the Russian state, about damaging our sovereignty and independence. We have everything written into our Strategy. We haven't changed it.
Dmitry Kiselyov: Vladimir Vladimirovich, when outgoing President Yeltsin invited you to run for President, your first reaction was: "I'm not ready."
Vladimir Putin: That's right, it's a direct speech.
Dmitry Kiselyov: Since then, of course, you have gone through a very big evolution. If you had to write a telegram to yourself at that time, what text would be in it?
Vladimir Putin: You see, it's like "Yankees at King Arthur's court" or something like that. It is impossible to answer this question, because the question was asked at that time, in the historical and economic context in which the country was located, in the internal political situation from the point of view of internal security. And all this together prompted me to the answer I gave: "I'm not ready for this." Not because I was afraid of something, but because the scale of the tasks was huge, and the number of problems was increasing every day like a snowball. Therefore, I said it sincerely and not because, I repeat, I was afraid of something, but because I thought that I was not ready to solve all these problems, God forbid, I would do something even worse. That's what it was about. Therefore, I said it absolutely sincerely and, if I go back, I would repeat the same thing.
Dmitry Kiselyov: And then what became decisive? You went anyway.
Vladimir Putin: Probably, conversations with Boris Nikolaevich.
The most important thing is, in the end, what did he answer me then: "Okay, okay, I understand, we'll come back to this later." And we've come back to that a few times.
In the end, he said that I was an experienced person, I knew what I was doing, what I was offering, and he told me some other things. It's probably inconvenient to praise myself, but I said such positive words. Later, he confirmed it again, in a completely positive way, I will not talk about it now.
And when the work started, everything was completely different there. You know, when you work, you think: this, this, this is needed right now, this is now, this is tomorrow, and it went, and it went. When you get involved in work, it's a completely different story.
Dmitry Kiselyov: There is no time to be afraid anymore.
Vladimir Putin: Yes, it's not about fears, but about understanding, about the ability to solve these problems. Remember for yourself what 1999 is like in the economy, in the field of security, and in finance - in everything.
Dmitry Kiselyov: You once told me that preparing for admission to Leningrad University was a turning point for you. It was the situation when you had to go all in, realizing: either I will do it now and cope, and then I will carry out the plans that I want (and you were already going to work in the KGB at that time), or I lost, and then everything is different and there is no chance. Is Russia now in a position where it is necessary to play all-in?
Vladimir Putin: First of all, I didn't have such a position then. Yes, I wanted to work in the state security agencies.
Dmitry Kiselyov: It was the admission, it was such a turning point, this feeling, right? Is it either that or is it that way?
Vladimir Putin: Not quite. I just came to the reception, said: "I would like to work. What is needed for this?"
The alternative was simple, I was told: you either need to get a higher education, and preferably a law degree, or serve in the army, or have at least three years of work experience, but it's better to serve in the army. If I hadn't gone to university, I would have joined the army.
Yes, it might have been a longer path to the goal that I set for myself, but it was still there. There is always an alternative.
Dmitry Kiselyov: But you acted with tension.
Vladimir Putin: Yes, of course, because I studied at a school with a chemical and mathematical bias, and here I had to take humanities subjects. I had to leave one thing and do the other.
Yes, of course, there was tension. It was necessary to independently learn a foreign language, German in this case, it was necessary to study history, literature and so on.
Dmitry Kiselyov: Russia is also at a crossroads now: either it works, or…
Vladimir Putin: Russia is not at a crossroads. She is on the strategic path of her development, and she will not turn away from her path.
Dmitry Kiselyov: To what extent do you feel the support of the Russian society in its new capacity? After all, a new quality of Russian society has developed.
Vladimir Putin: It was there, it just showed up. And it is very good that we have given this deep Russian society the opportunity to express itself. I have a feeling that people have been waiting for this for a long time, that an ordinary person will be in demand by the country and the state and the fate of the country depends on him. It is this feeling of inner connection with the Motherland, with the Fatherland, of its importance in solving key tasks, in this case in the field of security, that has brought to the surface the strength of the Russian and other peoples of Russia.
D. Kiselyov: Are you fueled by this?
Vladimir Putin: Always. It's not even that someone is fueled, the fact is that I see the demands of society. This is the most important thing - to meet the needs of society.
Dmitry Kiselyov: But it's time to admit that you play a key role not only in Russia, but also in the world, because billions of people associate with you the hope for international justice, for the protection of human dignity, for the protection of traditional values. How does it feel to feel such a scale of responsibility?
Vladimir Putin: To tell you honestly, I don't feel it at all. I'm just working in the interests of Russia, in the interests of our people. Yes, I understand what you are talking about now, and I am ready to comment on it. But so that I feel like some kind of arbiter of the world's destinies, there is no such thing. Believe me, not even close. I'm just doing my duty to Russia and to our people, who consider Russia their homeland.
As for other countries of the world, the way we are treated around the world is very closely related to this. That's interesting. It's a phenomenon, that's for sure.
What I would like to draw your attention to. You are absolutely right here, many people in the world are looking at us, at what is happening in our country and in our struggle for our interests.
That, in my opinion, is what is important. And why is this happening? Not because we are formally members of the BRICS or because we have some kind of traditional relationship with Africa. This is also important, but the point, in my opinion, is completely different. It lies in the fact that this so-called "golden billion" has been practically parasitizing other peoples for centuries, 500 years. They tore apart the unfortunate peoples of Africa, they exploited Latin America, they exploited the countries of Asia, and, of course, no one has forgotten this. I have a feeling that it's not even about the leadership of these countries, although this is very important, but ordinary citizens of these countries feel in their hearts what is happening.
They associate our struggle for their independence and true sovereignty with their aspirations for their own sovereignty and independent development. But this is compounded by the fact that Western elites have a very strong desire to freeze the existing unfair state of affairs in international affairs. They've been used to stuffing their bellies with human flesh and their pockets with money for centuries. But they have to understand that the vampire ball is ending.
D. Kiselyov: Are you hinting at their, as you put it in your address, colonial ways? That's what you're talking about.
Vladimir Putin: That's how it all happens.
Dmitry Kiselyov: But now you have painted a completely fair picture when people see some hope in Russia. How did it happen that Western propaganda, with all its power, its colossal resources and tools, could not pupate Russia, isolate and create a false image of it, although it sought to in the minds of billions of people? How did it happen?
Vladimir Putin: Because what I just said is more important to people. People all over the world feel this in their hearts. They don't even need any pragmatic explanations of what is happening.
Dmitry Kiselyov: That is, despite the wall of this dirt?
Vladimir Putin: Yes. In their own countries, they also fool people, and this has an effect. They - in many countries - believe that this is in their interests, because they do not want to have such a huge country as Russia on their borders. The largest in the world in terms of territory, the largest in Europe in terms of population - not such a large population in global terms, can not be compared with either China or India, but the largest in Europe - and now also the fifth largest economy in the world. Well, why do we need such a competitor? They think: no, it is better, as some American experts have suggested, to divide it into three, four, five parts - this will be better for everyone. They proceed from this.
And some, at least, of the Western elites, blinded by their Russophobia, were delighted when they brought us to the line after which our attempts to stop the war unleashed by the West in Ukraine in 2014 by force began, when we switched to conducting a special military operation. They were even happy, I think. Because they believed that now they would finish with us, now, under this barrage of sanctions, practically a sanctions war declared against us, with the help of Western weapons and war by the hands of Ukrainian nationalists, they would finish with Russia. Hence the slogan: "To inflict a strategic defeat on Russia on the battlefield."
But later came the realization that this was unlikely, and even later that it was impossible. And it became clear that instead of a strategic defeat, they were faced with impotence, and with impotence, despite the fact that they relied on the might of the all-powerful United States. They faced impotence in front of the unity of the Russian people, in front of the fundamental foundations of the Russian financial and economic system, its stability and in front of the growing capabilities of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation.
And that's when they began to think - those who are smarter, began to think - that it would be necessary to change some kind of strategy towards the Russian Federation. Then the idea arose to resume the negotiation process, to find some ways to end this conflict, to look for where Russia's real interests are here. These are dangerous people, by the way, because it is easier to deal with people who are guided by such base principles.
Do you remember how they used to say in Russia? Happiness for some at the household level, what was it? I'm full, drunk, and my nose is full of tobacco. Yes? It's easier with such people when you're full, drunk, that is, full, drunk. The nose is in tobacco because snuff was used. My nose is full of cocaine now. It doesn't matter, it's easier with such people, but more difficult with smart ones - they are more dangerous, because they affect the consciousness of society, including ours, they will throw out all sorts of their "wishlist" under the guise of a "carrot" for us.
You have already drawn attention to this when you asked about the possibility of a negotiation process. But nevertheless. Hence the contradictions within the Western community. This is an obvious thing, we see it.
We are not going to deal with splits there - they will do it brilliantly themselves. But we will certainly seek to ensure that our interests are respected.
Dmitry Kiselyov: I can't help but ask. These attacks on the Belgorod and Kursk regions are military actions that are taking place in our regions. They behave more brazenly - do they feel something? What is the reason for this?
Vladimir Putin: The explanation is very simple. All this is happening against the background of failures on the contact line, on the front line. They have not achieved any of the goals they set for themselves last year. Moreover, now the initiative has completely passed to our Armed Forces. Everyone knows this, everyone recognizes it. I don't think I'll say anything new here. Against the background of those failures, they need to show at least something, and, mainly, attention should be focused on the information side of the matter.
On the state border line, the enemy tried to attack primarily with sabotage groups. The latest report of the General Staff: somewhere up to 300 people, including with the participation of foreign mercenaries. The enemy's losses amounted to more than 200 people - about 230. Of the eight tanks used, the enemy lost seven, of the nine armored vehicles - nine, of which seven were American-made, Bradley. Other armored vehicles were also used, but mainly for the transportation of personnel: they pick you up, throw you out and leave right away. This is on the Belgorod section of the border. A little further south, in my opinion, in one place - there are much smaller forces there. Nevertheless, I have no doubt that the main goal is, if not to disrupt the presidential elections in Russia, then at least somehow interfere with the normal process of expression of the will of citizens. First.
Second. This is the informational effect that I have already mentioned.
The third. If at least something works out, get some chance, some argument, some trump card in a possible future negotiation process: we will return it to you, and you will return it to us.
But I said that with people who are guided by principles: I'm full, drunk, and my nose is in the well-known material - it's easier to talk to them, because you can calculate what they're going to do. They will also try in some other areas, but we can see that.
Dmitry Kiselyov: We mentioned the episode when you saved the children from the fire, but you already have grandchildren. Which country would you like to leave to your grandchildren?
Vladimir Putin: You know, at the first stage, we need to fulfill everything that was stated in the Message to the Federal Assembly a few days ago. We have big plans. They are very specific in the field of economic development, social sphere, support for motherhood, childhood, families with children, and support for pensioners. We have been talking very little about this lately, or not talking about it, but we certainly have the appropriate resources here. This concerns the indexation of pensions, various benefits, and long-term care for people who need it.
I would like to say that the people of the older generation are those thanks to whom we have a fairly strong, stable statehood and economy today, including. Because, despite all the twists and turns and the hardest trials for the economy in the 90s, it survived thanks to their heroic work after the Great Patriotic War and during the economic recovery. Therefore, we should never forget about this - about the merits of the older generation. We must always keep this in mind, ensuring their proper well-being. The future belongs to children, so I have already talked about programs in the field of motherhood and childhood.
All this is done only on the basis of economics. I hope that it will be more technologically advanced, more modern, and will be based on modern achievements in science and technology, information technology, artificial intelligence, robotics, genetics, and so on. Agriculture is developing here! And modern technologies are needed there too. They are actively used and will be used further.
Of course, the country will be self-sufficient in the field of ensuring its security and defense. All this together we will have to multiply many times - and the future will be secured.
Dmitry Kiselyov: Thank you, Vladimir Vladimirovich. Your confidence is contagious. Good luck in your noble deeds.
Vladimir Putin: Thank you.
Dmitry Kiselyov: Thank you.