Also, note for Alex Jones: the words 'Communist' and 'China' don't have such a negative connotation in Mexico as they do in the US. Sheinbaum is a leftie but I don't think anyone seriously considers her a communist.
A picture is worth a thousand words. As a presidential candidate, Sheinbaum met with Fink and discussed the "Mexican moment" to attract investment. As president, Sheinbaum welcomed Fink to the National Palace and they discussed the strength of the Mexican economy, the USMCA, and development plans such as "well-being hubs" for investment in infrastructure and technology.
Larry Fink has never visited Cuba or Venezuela, which the opposition in Mexico uses as examples of communism and danger, saying that we will become like Venezuela.
Claudia Sheinbaum is a moderate/pragmatic left-wing politician with strong social policies, but she operates within a regulated capitalist system rather than a neoliberal or libertarian one (like Bukele and Milei, for example) and seeks to attract private investment. Claudia Sheinbaum is not a communist in the ideological, economic, or political sense. That accusation by the opposition (mainly the PAN and conservative sectors) is a rhetorical exaggeration used as a political weapon.
Was the Gen Z movement truly organic?
Carlos Zenteno, political scientist and editorial director of the digital media outlet El Soberano, states:
Larry Fink has never visited Cuba or Venezuela, which the opposition in Mexico uses as examples of communism and danger, saying that we will become like Venezuela.
Claudia Sheinbaum is a moderate/pragmatic left-wing politician with strong social policies, but she operates within a regulated capitalist system rather than a neoliberal or libertarian one (like Bukele and Milei, for example) and seeks to attract private investment. Claudia Sheinbaum is not a communist in the ideological, economic, or political sense. That accusation by the opposition (mainly the PAN and conservative sectors) is a rhetorical exaggeration used as a political weapon.
Was the Gen Z movement truly organic?
Carlos Zenteno, political scientist and editorial director of the digital media outlet El Soberano, states:
Let's break down with data and without fanfare where the November 15 (15N) march really came from, because it did not arise from a genuine youth movement, nor was it born out of spontaneous outrage, nor was it a protest, nor is it an organic protest of the so-called Generation Z. No, what we have before us is a coordinated operation financed and amplified by national and international right-wing political, business, and media actors, and it all began long before the march was announced.
On October 3, "Azteca Noticias" published a report in which it attempted to present global youth protests but curiously focused on a single figure, Carlos Bello, an influencer with no political background who suddenly appeared criticizing the government in the Chamber of Deputies.
October 7, Ricardo Salinas Pliego, owner of TV Azteca and one of the main business opponents of the 4T, shares this influencer's video. The signal is clear: they are building a new youthful face for a political narrative.
October 12, this influencer announces that a march is being organized without a cause, without a date, without demands. A typical technique for raising expectations.
October 15, the @generación z_mx account on X uploads an image with the One Piece flag, a symbol that has been used in youth protests in other countries, but the account is not organic. It was created in 2024, remained inactive for a year, and previously amplified anti-leftist messages in Venezuela, Ecuador, and throughout Latin America. It is not a Mexican youth movement, it is an account linked to international right-wing networks.
On October 16, the Mexican Revolutionaries account appears, opened just on October 12, immediately launching more than 10 videos generated with artificial intelligence calling for a march to demand the revocation of the mandate. A Generation Z demanding the revocation of the mandate, but without explaining why, absurdly artificial.
On October 19, the account "somos generación z mx" (we are generation z mx) emerges, the third leg of the same ecosystem. They open Instagram and TikTok on the same day with the One Piece flag, videos with artificial intelligence, and a website with a forum on Discord. Important detail: on their Instagram was a link to "salvemos la democracia" (let's save democracy), an initiative by Claudio X González (another elite opposition figure). There was no youth movement, but there was political coordination with the traditional opposition. After the call to action, the data is compelling:
179 TikTok accounts began posting on the fly, 50 of which were created in October or November 2025. 359 Facebook communities began promoting the issue starting on October 26. Of those 359 pages, 28 had foreign administrators and these communities talked about travel, memes, anime, video games, cooking, tourism, and suddenly they all began posting against the 4T and in favor of this artificial march. The communities were not born; they were bought, audiences were rented. This is not youth organization; it is paid political marketing.
The discourse was peaceful march and the revocation of the mandate, but on October 27, simultaneously, the pages and accounts began to spread images of the National Palace on fire generated with artificial intelligence. This is not protest; it is symbolic provocation. And then, after what happened with Carlos Manso, the entire network changed its script. What was a march for revocation became, overnight, a march for insecurity.
This did not happen spontaneously; it was a coordinated change of narrative, typical of structured digital campaigns.
On November 1, the original creator of the youth digital community (Gen Z Mexico), Iván Mero, publicly denounced that the version of Generation Z calling for the march was not his and denied any links to accounts linked to the PAN and PRI. He broke with the manipulation and called for a completely different march, unrelated to the one on November 15, calling it the first official mobilization.
This proves something obvious: the November 15 march was not called by young people; it was hijacked by political networks, and that is what is serious. PAN and PRI members, former leaders, and spokespeople for the right began to amplify the march. (Vicente Fox, Claudio X González, Alessandra Rojo de la Vega, PAN influencers)
The use of the youth flag by a PRI legislator who attacked Noroña was even documented. In fact, there is no youth movement without politicians behind it. Here, the politicians came first and then sought out young people.
The analysis is compelling. Salinas Pliego promotes the movement's leading influencer, his media company amplifies the content, and his cousin Roberto Salinas, who heads Atlas Network, uses this international network of right-wing think tanks that has operated against progressive governments in Peru, Bolivia, Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico.
Added to this is the presence of figures such as:
Javier Negre, director of La Derecha Diario, who was clearly invited to the country by Ricardo Salinas.
Fernando Cerimedo, Milei and Bolsonaro's digital operator, an expert in bots and, best of all, disinformation.
Agustín Antonetti of the "Fundación Libertad" (Freedom Foundation), promoter of anti-left narratives in the region and someone completely obsessed with anti-communism.
Eduardo Menoni, a Venezuelan far-right, anti-left activist with networks in Miami.
The November 15 march is not local, it is not youthful, it is not spontaneous; it is part of an international strategy against progressive governments.
Independent analyses estimate that in October and the first days of November alone, the cost of this operation exceeded 90 million pesos, which explains the sudden appearance of hundreds of accounts, the massive use of artificial intelligence, the purchase of entire communities, the coordinated activation of influencers, and the synchronized narrative. The 15N march did not originate on TikTok, Discord, or youth forums. It did not arise from the genuine discontent of a generation. It is a political operation designed, financed, and amplified by national and international right-wing networks that seek to disguise themselves as a citizen movement by using youth symbols and hired influencers, artificial intelligence, and the purchase of digital farms.
A mobilization that aims to simulate spontaneity, but which left traces at every turn: newly created accounts, synchronized activations, opposition spokespeople, business support, and massive financing. What we are seeing is not an organic protest, but rather a carefully constructed political communication strategy designed to destabilize, manipulate emotions, and generate an artificial perception of strength.
The good news is that the data allows us to clearly dismantle the narrative, and when the facts are broken down, the truth becomes evident: the artificial march on November 15 was manufactured, the movement was never youthful, and the protest was never spontaneous. It was an operation, and it was exposed as such.
Eduardo Verastegui, an ultra-conservative, ultra-far-right Catholic who maintains close ties with both Donald Trump and J.D. Vance, took the opportunity to issue a warning.
"Only the patriotic, Guadalupan far right will be able to remove from power the sinister forces that have hijacked Mexico.
Sorry... the ultra, ultra right.
And if you want to add another ultra, go ahead.
@CumbreVivaMX
Long live Mexico!"
A sinister force that has the support of 70% of the population, but not the blessing of Washington.