Unfortunately it is. Unfortunately can and is getting worse.This is about dehumanzing people.
Propaganda is not what it used to be. It is something far worse. In part because of the effectiveness of its action upon us, we have no idea when it is present, nor what it is doing to us.
John Waters
Feb 7 2021
[This essay is an adaptation to current circumstances of a chapter from my 2018 book Give Us Back the Bad Roads(Currach Press), titled ‘Engineering Consent’.]
I see the same syndrome expressed in signs everywhere: people on the street jumping under buses rather than pass close to one another; a journalist I once thought at least vaguely intelligent writing about ‘cases’ under the seeming impression that PCR tests do exactly what it says on the Covid tin; a political movement supposed to be pro-freedom demanding a faster rollout of vaccines; half a dozen police officers sitting on a woman and helping each other to handcuff her because she is more than five kilometres from her home, and nobody batting an eyelid. Signs of what? Signs of complicity in a terror beyond understanding. Signs of having surrendered the option of having a mind of your own. Signs of a surrender to the insuperable, the inevitable. Signs of being walled in by lies.
There is something we are not comprehending, something to do with the minds of the generality of people.
It is not sufficient to speak of ‘propaganda’. The word, used by our limited understanding of its meaning, is inadequate to the achievement of even the remotest understanding of where we are now. To speak of it thus in times like these is like standing on the deck of Noah’s Ark discussing the weather.
Someone, the other day, sent me a link to an article headed ‘Households left better off as a result of pandemic — Central Bank’. It was indescribably fatuous, idiotic beyond measuring, containing the immortal sentence: ‘Mass unemployment last year has left households better off and a savings glut means we’ve never been richer.’ This sounds like propaganda but isn’t really. Since it suggests that people have been wasting their time starting businesses and getting out of bed in the mornings to earn a living, it is as relevant to real life as a eunuch calculating his savings on condoms. It’s just plain clownery. To think this is propaganda is utterly to misunderstand what propaganda is. Propaganda is ubiquitous, insidious, deceptive, relentless, often invisible and always manipulative. That article, taken in isolation, is just a harmless piece of stupidity that stands as something to be exhibited in the Book of Evidence in a year or two, when the true extent of the lockdown damage is permitted into the light of even darker days than these.
Most people think of propaganda as one-off or recurring bulletins of misleading statements, something like the orchestration of information to a singular purpose. Someone reads a slanted article, perhaps, and thinks she recognises the animal. Similarly, a poster, a slogan, a TV ad. All these qualify as instruments of propaganda, but they are not the thing itself. They are not the thing that has existed in history, especially the history of the past century, and above all the history of the lustings of people seeking profit and power to manipulate the citizen in his capacity as a member of a herd that, generally speaking, enjoys no possibility of immunity from such manipulation. In reality the issue is the generation and government of public feeling. Who, for example, could have predicted that the colour yellow, which once summoned up Easter eggs, could become the colour of terror and oppression? Answer: a hypnotist could have, since yellow has long been recognised by ‘depth manipulators’ as one of the most effective hypnotic colours.
Propaganda has even longer been a key element in the armoury of the modern technocratic state and those seeking to rule through it. The godfather of modern public relations, Edward Bernays, wrote in his 1928 book Propaganda that, even if every citizen had time to sift through data concerning every question, virtually nobody would be able to come to informed conclusions about anything. We just don’t have the time, or access to reliable means of verification. We therefore tend to farm out the sifting process to what Bernays called ‘the invisible government’, which we rely upon to tell us what things mean, which things are important and what are our options in considering them. By and large, we accept the verdicts provided to us by our media and political elites. Universal literacy, Bernays recalled, was supposed to change these conditions, giving each citizen ‘a mind fit to rule’ – the core doctrine of democracy. ‘But instead of a mind, ‘ he observed, ‘universal literacy has given him rubber stamps, rubber stamps inked with advertising slogans, with editorials, with published scientific data, with the trivialities of the tabloids and the platitudes of history, but quite innocent of original thought. Each man’s rubber stamps are the duplicates of millions of others, so that when these millions are exposed to the same stimuli, all receive identical imprints.’
There were a number of key players in the development of propaganda and, before that, the identification of the necessary underlying psychologies, and all of them emerged in the first half of the last century. The best know was Bernays, grand-nephew of Sigmund Freud, whose ideas he adapted for the purpose of manipulation and motivational research (MR), largely on behalf of corporate clients. Another key figure was Ernest Dichter, also a Viennese-born psychoanalyst, who in the 1950s was President of the Institute for Motivational Research and became known as an ingenious trouble-shooter on misfiring advertising campaigns. The most significant figure in exposing the deep reality of propaganda was Frenchman, Jacque Ellul, a philosopher and Christian anarchist, who developed possibly the best overview of the discipline in his 1965 book Propagandas: The Formation of Men’s Attitudes.
The techniques of what became known as ‘depth manipulation’ were based on several key understandings about human beings: that people behave irrationally and paradoxically; that they lie about their motivations, to themselves as much as to others; that their chief triggers are emotions, especially fear and guilt. In his 1957 book, The Hidden Persuaders, Vance Packard wrote about the ‘depth’ industry’s discovery and leveraging of what were called ‘subsurface desires, needs and drives’. Among the chief ‘subsurface’ levers found in most people’s emotional profiles were the drive to conformity, the need for oral stimulation and a yearning for security,’
It was Bernays who first experimented with applying psychoanalytic principles to marketing by linking products to emotions in ways that tapped into people’s tendency to behave in illogical ways. Intrigued by his grand-uncle's notion that irrational group-based forces drive human behaviour, Bernays set about harnessing those forces to sell products for his clients. In Propaganda, he speculated that it should be possible to manipulate people’s behaviour without their knowing. Then he began putting his theories into action, firstly on behalf of George Washington Hill, president of the American Tobacco Company, who was keen to demolish the taboo that, by insinuating a strong link between female cigarette smoking and sexual promiscuity, had until the late 1920s discouraged women from lighting up in public. Hill, seeking to promote his company’s Lucky Strike brand, consulted Bernays, who in turn spoke to leading New York psychoanalyst and Freud disciple, Dr A. A. Brill, who saw cigarettes as essentially adult pacifiers, a throwback to the infant’s pleasure in sucking, but gave Bernays a lightbulb moment when he postulated that cigarettes were also symbolic of male power. Bernays developed a campaign aimed at convincing women that smoking in public would allow them to strike a blow for sexual equality. Hence, Lucky Strike’s ‘Torches of Freedom’ campaign, launched during New York’s Easter Parade on April Fools Day 1929. Bernays had obtained a list of female models from the editor of Vogue magazine and convinced enough of them that they could advance the cause of equality by lighting up on Fifth Avenue. The parade became an international sensation and Bernays dubbed his newly tested technique ‘engineering consent’. Bernays it was also who ‘discovered’ that the ‘snap crackle and pop’ of breakfast cereals was a crucial part of their appeal, the built-in crunch providing an outlet for unconscious aggression and other pent-up feelings.
Later, Ernest Dichter, who most controversially postulated that men equated convertibles with youth, freedom, and the secret wish for a mistress, and that women could be sold soap as a means to wash away their sins before a date, further developed the idea of tapping into the unconscious to sell people things they didn’t need. ‘You would be amazed to find how often we mislead ourselves,’ he wrote in his 1960 book The Strategy of Desire, ‘regardless of how smart we think we are, when we attempt to explain why we are behaving the way we do.’
Dichter believed that human motivation was about one third rational, with the remainder governed by emotion. He referred to this syndrome as the ‘iceberg’ and developed the idea that people could be persuaded to buy things because of illogical associations implanted by advertising. He was a pioneer of focus group market research methods, which he used to great effect on behalf of clients like Procter & Gamble, Chrysler and DuPont. He was also an early practitioner of qualitative research, involving long, in-depth interviews, not unlike therapy sessions. To understand why people really bought certain things, he insisted, you had to talk to them at a deeper level. ‘If you let somebody talk long enough,’ he would say, ‘you can read between the lines to find out what he really means.’ Dichter tapped into people’s desires — usually for sex, security or prestige. For him, shopping was a form of self-expression. He divined that certain people prefer cars that feel safe, whereas others like their steeds to speak of adventure and youth. He sold more typewriters by proposing that keyboards be designed to suggest the female body — ‘more receptive, more concave’. He discerned that Americans preferred to borrow money at higher rates from loan sharks rather than patronise legitimate banking institutions, because they feared being judged. Using these insights, he helped banks to develop products and messages to get around such fears. He formed the view that people tend to buy things for reasons other than utilitarian — as extensions or reflections of their personalities, for example. Every product, he declared, has a personality, and the right campaign will communicate this to people who see themselves in a certain way. He exploited neuroses and unfulfilled longings and made a lot of money out of the insight that older women like to bake cakes as a substitute for child-bearing. Through depth-interviewing, he deduced that soaping while taking a bath was one of the few occasions when the average puritanical American of the 1950s felt permitted to caress himself or herself. The research showed that bathing was for many adults a pretext for auto-erotic experiment, a ritual that afforded rare moments of personal indulgence, particularly before a romantic assignation.
Imagine ideas like these at large in the era of Big Data, when the clients of Dichter’s successors have access to precise maps of human desiring based on actual observed behaviours.
Armed with such insights, even 70 years ago, it was possible to sell almost anything with the rights slogan and imagery. The most important thing about propaganda, Dichter asserted, is that it be universal and continuous, hammering home the same message by diverse means, again and again. The purpose is to ‘regiment’ the mind of a society in the same saw as an army drills its soldiers. Propaganda is most effective in the hands of what Bernays had called ‘intelligent minorities’, by which he meant not minorities in the latter-day sense of victim groups, but intellectual elites seeking to guide society in particular directions. Bernays referred to these intellectual elites, without irony, as ‘dictators’.
Bernays also hitched to advertising the earlier thinking of the French philosopher Charles-Marie Gustave La Bon on the question of mob minds - the idea that the ‘group mind’ presents an entirely different study to the individual mind. Le Bon, in The Psychology of Crowds, had explained that a crowd has a different psychology to that of an individual. He saw a crowd as forming a single being, responding always to unconscious thoughts, and conforming to laws of mental unity. The consciousness bestowed by membership of a crowd, he expanded, can be transformative of the person, putting individual members in possession of ‘a sort of collective mind which makes them feel, think and act in a manner quite differently from that in which each individual would feel, think and act were that person in a state of isolation.’ In a psychological crowd, individual personality disappears, brain activity is replaced by reflex activity, involving a lowering of intelligence, provoking a complete transformation of sentiments, which may be an improvement or disimprovement on those of the crowd’s constituent members. A crowd may just as easily become heroic or criminal, but the latter is far more likely. ‘The ascendency of crowds,’ wrote Le Bon, ‘indicates the death throes of a civilisation.’ The upward climb to civilisation is an intellectual process driven by individuals; the descent is a herd in stampede. ‘Crowds are only useful for destruction.’
Adapting these ideas to the marketplace, Bernays both refined them and applied them to real situations. Although the group mind does not ‘think’ in the normal sense of the word, he elaborated, it still behaves as if it had an intelligence of its own. ‘In place of thought,’ he wrote, ‘it has impulses, habits and emotions. In making up its mind its first impulse is to follow the example of a trusted leader. . . But when the example of the leader is not at hand and the herd must think for itself, it does so by means of clichés, pat words or images which stand for a whole group of ideas or experience.’ By playing upon an old cliché, or manipulating a newly minted one, the propagandist can swing a whole mass of group emotions.
The thoughts of these pioneers were themselves analysed by Jacques Ellul in Propagandes (Propagandas), the first significant cautionary work on the dangers of propaganda. Ellul treated propaganda as a sociological phenomenon, rather than - as had Bernays and Dichter - something created by particular people for specific purposes. He also saw that propaganda was an instrument that would come into its own the more technological a society became. He identified technology and propaganda as having a symbiotic relationship: technology makes propaganda easier and a technological society feeds off the effects. ‘Propaganda,’ he wrote, ‘is called upon to solve problems created by technology, to play on maladjustments and to integrate the individual into a technological world.’ He rejected the anticipated argument that it depends on what kind of state or regime is engaging in propaganda; it doesn’t matter: ‘If we really have understood the technological state, such a statement becomes meaningless. In the midst of increasing mechanization and technological organization, propaganda is simply the means used to prevent these things from being felt as too oppressive and to persuade man to submit with good grace.’ This means, of course, that a technological society is perforce driven by propaganda, and also that we are already unfree. Indeed, long before the advent of Artificial Intelligence, we had already been absorbed into the machine that is the herd in thrall to what is deemed the level of propaganda necessary to control it.
Propaganda always addresses itself to the individual enclosed in the mass. The individual must never be considered as such but always, Ellul instructed, in terms of what he has in common with others, such as his motivations, his feelings or his myths. ‘He is reduced to an average and, except for a small percentage, action based on averages will be effectual.’ The propagandist addresses the individual - in newspapers articles, radio broadcasts etc. - as part of a group. The individual is never treated as if alone. ‘Emotionalism, impulsiveness, excess, etc. - all these characteristics of the individual caught up in the mass are well-known and very helpful to propaganda.’ This is the key to understanding how modern opinion polling works: It likewise treats individuals as part of a mass, and moreover induces the individual to accept this version of himself as valid and truthful. When the pollster with her clipboard enters the room to canvass the opinions of those present, she brings the masses with her.
Propaganda said Ellul, agreeing with Dichter, must be total. It must utilise all the available means of communication and at once: press, radio, TV, movies, posters, meetings, door-to-door canvassing. To use these media sporadically and without a propagandist intention is to achieve nothing. Each medium has a different line of attack, and all must be employed together to achieve a total, unconditional surrender.
Ellul refined and in some cases rejected inherited ideas, such as that all propaganda is lies and that its sole purpose is to change opinions. On the contrary, he observed, the best kind of propaganda is generated from half-truths and truths taken out of context, and its main purpose is to strengthen existing trends and perceptions, to promote action where appropriate, and — most importantly — to dissuade, with terror or discouragement, those of strong opinions contrary to the propaganda from interfering with its agenda. Ellul characterised conventional education as ‘pre-propaganda’, the conditioning of minds with enormous amounts of secondhand, disconnected, unverifiable, incoherent and/or useless information masquerading as ‘facts’, but intended to prepare the citizen for the planting of propaganda.
One of the chief impacts of the action of normative propaganda has, of course, been to further suppress the possibility of independent thought. The brain has a finite capacity to manage and sort information, and when it is already overloaded by random, largely uninvited facts and opinions, it has little ‘disk space’ for its own ruminations. Modern man, Ellul observed, accepts ‘facts’ as the ultimate reality. ‘He is convinced that what is, is good’. He places facts ahead of values and unquestioningly applies the moralism of ‘progress’ to something to which he attributes value because it exists. Something dressing itself up as ‘science’ or ‘progress’ is therefore halfway to conquering such a person.
‘Everywhere,’ writes Ellul, ‘we find men who pronounce as highly personal truths what they have read in the papers only an hour before and whose beliefs are merely the result of a powerful propaganda. Everywhere we have people who have blind confidence in a political party, a general, a movie star, a country, or a cause, and who will not tolerate the slightest challenge to that god … We meet this alienated man at every turn, and are possibly already one ourselves.’
Universal education of the kind described by Ellul has generated populations of citizens who provide easy meat for propaganda for at least four reasons: people who consider themselves ‘educated’ have a need to hold opinions on any and all matters arising in their purview; such people, by virtue of their ‘education’, have access to large amounts of what might be called contextless information; they think of themselves as capable of judging all questions on their own; they are generally people who have left behind the kind of communities which in the past provided a kind of filtering for external propaganda, such as families, churches, villages etc., to live in some anonymous metropolis to which they have no historical connections. Hence, in mass society, the pre-programmed citizen, who becomes isolated and dependent upon his own resources to fulfil his conditioned needs, is a sitting duck for propagandists of all kinds. When you consider present-day instant access to a certain kind of basic information about next to everything, it is not surprising that, on virtually every matter of public controversy, there is a ready constituency for the indoctrinations by propagandists among those who believe themselves educated because they hold a degree, have instant access to Google and other search engines and regard themselves as free because they cling to what they firmly believe to be their own opinions, but are not. And all this mess of pseudo-belief is held together by a kind of cultural ‘glue’ composed mainly of elements of insinuated pseudo-morality. Believing these things is not merely evidence of wisdom, but also evidence of goodness. Thus, what might be called the market for propaganda has expanded to include virtually every member of a modern society — everyone, that is, except those who understand the underfoot conditions and are prepared to seek their information from other than ready sources and remain determined to think for themselves.
By Ellul’s thesis, the citizen imagining himself ‘modern’ needs propaganda: to fulfil his sense of importance and involvement in the ostensibly prevailing democracy; to provide an outlet for his pent-up energies, to put on display his ‘moral’ disposition, and so forth. Seen like this, it becomes clear that a modern society needs propaganda in much the way, and for the same reasons, that it needs entertainment. And Ellul was insistent on his own careful use of words: when he spoke of the ‘necessity’ of propaganda, he was not expressing approval: ‘… the world of necessity is a world of weakness, a world that denies man. To say that a phenomenon is necessary means, for me, that it denies man; its necessity is proof of its power, not proof of its excellence.’
It is obvious from this outline that the fundamental conditions described by La Bon, Bernays, Dichter and Ellul remain in place today, but have been subjected to exponential multipliers arising from the sheer pervasiveness of advertising, the ubiquity of technology, the power of the internet and the 24/7 stream of information and responses in respect of selected events from around the globe.
It seems obvious that our reference points for mapping propaganda must by now be decades out of date. When the pioneers of depth manipulation were plying their dubious trade, they were dealing with a world in which there were but a handful of media by which a society and its members could be manipulated. The work of the founding fathers of the 'science' of the ‘depth approach’ - Bernays, Dichter etc. - is all firmly embedded in the first half or middle of the 20th century, when TV was in the womb or in its infancy and all you had were a few newspapers, cinema, advertising hoardings and the radio. Our understandings of 'depth manipulation' spring from this period, and have not been updated to take into account that media are now almost constantly central to the consciousness of most of the human race. We're therefore dealing with a different kind of animal - in the average human being - than those guys were talking about. Then, by comparison, advertising and propaganda no more than grazed off the consciousness of the individual - capable of influencing but not necessarily dominating the entire thought processes, as is now the case. Talk radio, 24 hour news, breakfast television, all these are phenomena of the past handful of decades, and have entered human culture almost as human entities - more like intimate relationships than technological adjuncts - to say nothing of social media and the other internet 'gifts'. The TV set in the corner is not just an apparatus for obtaining news, information, entertainment - it's actually akin to a person sitting in the corner of the room, and usually the most dominant, strident and garrulous person at that.
In the Covid episode, the TV set has become the narcissist/psychopath who dictates to the other occupants what they should think and feel, brooking no dissent. TVs are uninterruptable, so the dynamics of the situation dictate that any nonconformists in the room will be put in their place, unless one of them can turn the darn thing off. Twitter, as its name almost suggests, is also a kind of personification of psychopathic traits: one minute satiating the user’s craving for dopamine, the next lacerating the addict for some unwitting sin against orthodoxy. Even when the user is the aggressor, he or she is aggressively enforcing thinking that comes from someplace/someone else.
Hence, people are not like they used to be, or how we still assume them to be: i.e. maybe 90% themselves, with 10% of their 'content’ imposed. It may well be the other way around: 10% themselves and 90% imposed.
We continue to talk to one another under the assumption that we are - on both sides - still more or less as we used to be (I'm talking here mainly of us older folk; the young are in a much worse situation, because there may be no 10%). In truth almost nobody is like that. What we're dealing with most of the time is people with hollowed out minds and therefore hollowed out souls - what pass for their brains crammed full with the ideas other people want them to cling to. It is not that they are propagandised - we're way beyond that - but that their minds are utterly colonised and occupied by alien thoughts. And - even more ominously - they are addicted to the source of these thoughts, the abusive box in the corner, which (‘who’?) tells them everything they know, everything that's true and untrue, and advises them how to avoid being waylaid by false narratives, i.e. unapproved versions of reality. What we are talking about, then, is not methods of imparting information, but instruments of mass hypnoidal entrancement, a different strand of the modern story of herd management, which I wrote about [https://lockdownsceptics.org/?s=hypnosis] back in the summer of 2020. This takes things to a new level - the informal second part of this essay.
One of the unnoticed consequences of propaganda, according to Jacques Ellul, is that it results in a gradual ‘closing up’ of the individual, arising from a growing insensitivity to repeated bouts of propaganda. Subjected to persistent repetitions of the same messages, he begins to skim the headlines of his newspaper rather than reading the articles. In a more modern context, he uses the remote control to zap from station to station on his TV set, searching perhaps for some element of surprise, and always in vain. He checks his phone incessantly, craving a new fix of data or instruction. Radio becomes no more than background noise: he doesn’t hear and doesn’t care. This stage of the process does not signal immunity to propaganda, but the opposite. Deeply imbued with the symbols of propaganda, he no longer needs to absorb the detail. A splash of colour, a familiar logo, is enough to trigger the required Pavlovian response. The subject of successful propaganda resembles an addict, who, however long he remains on the wagon, requires just a single shot to put him back in the gutter.
Propaganda, Jacques Ellul believed, is ‘a direct attack against man’. Although himself an advocate of democracy, he believed that propaganda renders the true exercise of such freedoms ‘almost impossible’. This is why those who persist in thinking for themselves, or even in expressing unapproved views, invite such opprobrium in modern societies. It’s not just that dissenters threaten the reach or influence of the propagandists, for in truth due to their inability to achieve total saturation through media, they rarely do so. The cause of their being so feared is that, by their very presence, they put at risk the whole edifice. Their heresy endangers the artifice essential for effective propaganda: the sense of naturalism, factuality, that accompanies it.
Propaganda, writes Ellul, ‘does not tolerate discussion. It abhors contradiction. ‘It must produce quasi-unanimity, and the opposing faction must become negligible, or in any case cease to be vocal.’ To submit to propaganda, therefore, means to become alienated from oneself, because it closes off the power of critical thinking. ‘Propaganda strips the individual, robs him of part of himself, and makes him live an alien and artificial life, to such an extent that he becomes another person and obeys impulses foreign to him.’ This is achieved by suffusing the individual in the emotions and responses of the herd, dissipating his individuality, freeing his ego of all, confusions, unresolved contradictions and personal reservations. It pushes the individual into the mass ‘until he disappears entirely’. What ‘disappears’, in fact, is the individual’s capacity for personal reflection, independent thinking, critical judgment, these being replaced with ready-made thoughts, stereotypes, clichés, catchwords and ‘guidelines’.
Once successfully propagandised, the individual ceases to be a passive recipient of the propaganda and becomes an evangelist. He takes vigorous stances, starts to oppose others, polices the orthodoxies. ‘He asserts himself,’ observes Ellul, ‘at the very moment that he denies his own self without realising it.’
The chief reason the individual can no longer judge for himself is that he must constantly relate his thoughts to the entire complex of values and prejudices established by propaganda, and this is something that can only be learned as though by rote. Once atrophied, the capacities to judge, discern or think critically are no longer accessible to the subject, and these faculties will not simply reappear when propaganda is discontinued or suppressed. Years of spiritual and intellectual reconstruction will be required to restore them. The victim of propaganda, deprived of one channel of opinion, will simply seek out another, like a junkie seeking a different kind of fix. This, says, Ellul, will ‘spare him the agony of finding himself vis-à-vis some event without a ready-made opinion and obliged to judge it for himself.’
Propaganda, then, is a bigger word than we have allowed ourselves to consider. It is also a word that embraces an array of what can only be accurately described as weapons of mass indoctrination - and ultimately of destruction, too: the destruction of minds, hearts, souls, lives, livelihoods, relationships and futures. It is not, then, a small, comical thing; it is a very big, unfunny thing. When journalists, then, contrive to bombard their readers with concocted pseudo-narratives, ‘human interest’ stories directed at the singular purpose of manipulating them into a particular frame of mind; when they collaborate in the falsification of statistics in order to terrorise people; when they use their platforms to not merely deny the voices of alternative viewpoints, but to put dissenters on trial in proceedings in which they have no representation - they are not engaging in victimless wrongdoing. Their victims are many, and include in particular many of those least able to defend themselves against this barrage of mendacity that constructs walls of lies around their very bodies and beings in the world, walls that imprison not merely themselves but also all those caught in the contagion of their mind-virus. These are crimes of a very modern kind. But they are crimes all the same, all the more dastardly because the criminals scrub their own tracks in their wake, and tell themselves they are dealing in ‘facts’. They are crimes committed by individuals and collectives against individuals and communities-without-immunity, crimes that cry out to Heaven for retribution.
The Covid episode opens up the terrifying possibility that society is now so amenable to hypnoidal mechanisms that it may soon be unrealistic to expect them not to fall prey to every passing tyrant
John Waters
Feb 16 2021
In his book on the new left, Fools, Frauds and Firebrands, the late English philosopher Sir Roger Scruton compares the language of the modern left to the concept of Newspeak devised by George Orwell for his novel 1984. Actually, Scruton traces Orwell’s creation back to the sloganeering of the French Revolution, and later the pre-Bolshevik era Russian intelligentsia and Socialist International of the late 19th century. In such quarters, slogans were essential to stigmatising dissidents, revisionists, deviationists and the like, and its success convinced communists that it was possible to alter reality by coining new phrases and words. Repeated use of the term ‘crisis of capitalism’ could be used to bring down an economy; constant invocation of ‘democratic centralism’ could insinuate that dictatorship was not in fact dictatorship; the call for ‘the liquidation of the bourgeoisie’ could conjure the targeted person out of his human body, reifying and isolating him.
A key instrument in the LGBT assault on Ireland from early 2014 was the use of the word ‘homophobic’ to demonise anyone who failed to supply 100% endorsement to the gay agenda. This was in anticipation of the ‘marriage equality’ referendum to take place in mid-2015. ‘Homophobia’, of course, is a made-up word, with no clear objective meaning, other than the one that has accrued to it in culture. It was invented by gay activists as an instrument of war, designed to demonise enemies, critics and opponents in a way that would marginalise them and either render them silent or have then ejected from public discussion. The word deliberately confuses the concepts of fear and hated, implying that the ‘sufferer’ from homophobia experiences both a fear of gays and a repugnance of them. A ‘phobia’ is defined by the Oxford English Dictionary as ‘extreme or irrational fear or dislike of a specified thing’. The same dictionary defines ‘homophobia’ as ‘an intense aversion to homosexuality and homosexuals’. To call someone a ‘homophobe’ is not merely to demonise and therefore silence them, it is to obviate the necessity of responding reasonably to anything they say. The accusation of ‘homophobia’ levels a charge that cannot be answered or refuted, because it implies a fault that lies in character rather than actions. The word therefore attacks its object in multiple ways, while also warning bystanders that, should they fail to acquiesce in every aspect of the gay agenda, they are liable to being attacked in the same way.
‘Newspeak,’ writes Scruton, ‘occurs when the primary purpose of language - which is to describe reality - is replaced by the rival purpose of asserting power over it. . . . Newspeak sentences sound like assertions, but their underlying logic is that of the spell. They conjure the triumph of words over things, the folly of rational argument and also the danger of resistance.’
Scruton described the process whereby we are invited by words to see someone as an enemy, an untouchable. Confronting someone as a human being, he writes, entails giving that person a voice, which means words must be used as a tool of negotiation, agreement or disagreement. ‘I make remarks about the weather, grumble about politics, pass the time of day’, he writes, ‘and my language has the effect of softening reality, of making it pliable and serviceable. Newspeak, which denies reality, also hardens it by turning it into something alien and resistant, a thing to be “struggled with” and triumphed over.’ Ordinary language ‘warms and softens; Newspeak freezes and hardens… does not merely impose a plan; it also eliminates the discourse through which human beings can live without one.’
In this context it is not fanciful to speak about the role of language in triggering a form of hypnoidal state in which people become terrified of being called certain toxic names, in effect dubbed, or daubed, with hypnotic trigger phrases, such as ‘racist’, ‘white supremacist’, etc. These phrases become, in modern political discourse, the equivalents of the stage hypnotist’s code-words, calculated to invoke the trance of a generation of opinion formers who remain in a repetitive loop of retro-sentiment defined by the counter-cultural mantras of young people from a completely different world. All of them are rooted in 1960s concepts of ‘human rights’, which have become as though indelibly stamped on youth and pop culture, thus rendering them amenable to be weaponised for agendas and campaigns which may have little or nothing in common with those past struggles. The word ‘racist’, for example, accesses a deep reservoir of psychic power rooted in slavery, apartheid, Jim Crow, civil rights, MLK etc., and creates a kind of extrasensory current that exercises a profound terrifying power over people who have not trained themselves to deconstruct the process. It means that at some level the charge of racism sticks to them - both in their own minds and, as a question, in the minds of bystanders and observers, so that no one is satisfactorily able to rebut the charge so levelled, and all are agreed that the spell poses a risk of sticking to everyone, and is therefore - along with its target - best given a wide berth. This is why, in discussion about immigration or what is called cultural appropriation, people preface every contribution with ‘I’m not a racist but...’, as though a racist might start off my admitting he was one. The effect of this is to strengthen the spell, to spread the goo more disastrously on the hands of the object, who clearly doth protest too much!
We speak therefore of words that are no longer words, but rather magical entities that serve to deter and corral. Spell language is designed not to describe or explain things but to invoke a set of pre-programmed demonic descriptions with which to detonate an explosion of disapproval calculated to dispose of what the suspect in his defence is likely to describe as ‘common sense’ - usually some category of what is called ‘conservative’ counter-argument or objection. The language is also calculated to protect in a manner immune from scrutiny all that the word-conjurer seeks to defend. When these words are uttered, almost no one listening encounters or is prompted to a thought; most simply feel themselves stung as though by a cattle prod or an electric fence, thereby experiencing a kind of shame at even knowing the targeted person, which in the vast majority of cases is sufficient to cause an immediate falling into line.
This form of sorcery has come to saturate our cultures. Indeed, the events of the past year open up the terrifying possibility that human beings in general are now so amenable to hypnoidal mechanisms that in the future it may be unrealistic to expect them not to fall pretty to every passing tyrant.
The claimed spread of SARS-CoV-2, which through the mechanism of lockdown ravaged the world, its economies, cultures and households, in the first half of 2020, attacked humanity in the most intimate ways imaginable: in the closest relations between peoples, in their entitlement and capacity to earn a living, in their most sacred liberties, their most carefully husbanded resources, health, not least their mental health. As a cursory glance at the relevant statistics will affirm, the ‘pandemic’ was a carefully orchestrated lie, accompanied by campaigns of terror perpetrated by politicians and technocrats, consolidated by establishment mouthpieces travelling in the robes of journalists and enforced by brutish police forces the world over. The effect was a mass paranoia concerning a risk of death no higher than a medium-rage influenza, and less than that incurred by the average person crossing a busy road.
Perhaps the most shocking aspect of the Covid-19 story is the manner in which vast swathes of the world’s population immediately and unquestioningly fell into line, carrying out to the letter the most absurd and contradictory diktats of their governments, in defiance of facts and reason. This was achieved by what was, in effect, a process of mass entrancement, imposed by the use of propaganda, neurolinguistic programming and terror tactics.
Like any form of hypnosis, mass entrancement depends on the leveraging of several inter-related conditions in the subject: heightened emotion, a focusing of attention, including impaired or reduced peripheral awareness, and an elevated imaginative state - all conditions contributing to vastly increased suggestibility. The Covid-19 scare and accompanying lockdowns enabled these criteria to be met almost everywhere on a 24-hour basis.
The process at work is somewhat different to the use of hypnotic or ‘spell’ phrases, described above, to herd individuals into what is called politically correct thinking, but it is of the same family of techniques of mass manipulation. These processes could not have been formulated without the assistance of highly practised psychologists and other experts in mind control, capable of exploiting both individual psychological pathologies and comprehending dysfunctional family dynamics to expose and manipulate weaknesses in human persons and relationships. The Covid operation harnessed the dynamics of archetypal relationships between narcissists/psychopaths (politicians) and co-dependent submissives (citizens), in effect weaponising on a grand scale the dynamics of a kind of platonic BDSM.
The chief instruments of manipulation involved the leveraging of guilt, obligation and fear, in a variation on the nice cop/nasty cop routine. This took the form of a rolling series of apparently mixed messages: ‘The pandemic is coming and will cause millions of deaths’. But, ‘We are with you’’. But, ‘Stay at home, save lives’. But, ‘Go to your front door and clap/dance/light a candle for the front line workers’. And, don’t forget, ‘Being apart brings us together’. So, ‘Let us leave no one behind’. Et cetera. As with the use of conventional spell words, the language employed was top-heavy with negative slogans and phrases designed to instil fear and dread. Those who did not obey were told they were risking the lives of others and repeatedly urged to ‘do the right thing’. This was accompanied by the use of embedded command phrases that appeared random and superfluous but actually served to emphasise the mandatory nature of what was being conveyed: ‘It just has to be’. ‘There is no alternative’. ‘All you have to do is follow the rules’.
Celebrities were rolled out to supply further emphases, offering a semblance of ‘objective’ confirmation of the scale of the crisis and the necessity for obedience, which further propelled the recruitment of citizens in the process of their own incarceration.
Imagination is a key tool of the hypnotist. With an appropriate script and a deliberate mimicry of well-remembered charismatic leaders of the past - a touch of Kennedy, a soupcon of Churchill - even the most plank-like politician could affect a sufficiency of charisma or gravitas to seduce his audience into the zone wherein to weave word-pictures and teleport his captives to a place of collective imagining. The mood of siege or crisis thus established was sufficient to inveigle stronger-minded holdouts to join in.
By affecting empathy, rapport, a sense of common purpose, the ‘hypnotist’ guides his subjects towards the desired frame-of-mind. He seeks access to the unconscious, but not that of the individual person; rather, he wishes to remove each member of his audience to a common place: the herd mind in which he knows they can all come to share approximately the same outlooks, so that henceforth they can be summoned to that place by signs and triggers without being required to leave their armchairs.
TV creates an ideal instrument of this form of hypnosis, not least because the news comes sandwiched between movies and soap operas that engage the imaginative and emotional elements of the mind. These, maintained by fictionalised treatments of reality, provide the heightened state that renders the subject amenable to be lured into the trance. Once achieved, the trance can be reactivated at will in anyone whose attention, kept primed by fictional narratives, remains in this state of focused imaginative attention, highly prone to easy emotional arousal.
When in such a hypnoidal trance, in the grip of its dominant emotion - rage, hatred, fear, anxiety, sadness, worry, envy, greed, selfishness - humans retreat into their reptilian minds, becoming cut off from their thinking brains and thereby more susceptible to adopting a locked-in, limited view of reality. In the lockdown episode, fear of death was the chief emotional trigger imposed by the controllers.
As outlined in 'Wall of Lies', my recent article on propaganda, a herd has a different psychology to that of an individual, a sort of collective mind that makes them in that situation feel, think and act in a manner quite differently from that in which each individual would feel, think and act when alone. Herds are, generally speaking, stupider than individuals, and highly prone to follow a single current of emotion in their midst.
Creating a hypnotic state involves three phases: idealisation, devaluation and alienation. Idealisation is also called ‘love-bombing’, whereby the controller/hypnotist strives to identify with and mirror the target individual or social group. In this case, the controller is the politician or health tsar who seeks to corral the public while making them believe he is doing them a great favour. In reality, he follows the same line of attack as the habitual wife-beater. He thanks the people for their stoicism thus far, praises them, reminds them they are ‘saving lives’ then spells out the next stage. The controllers in this case include the media - the journaliars - usurping their roles as watchdogs and truth-tellers to exert powers of manipulate and control using the weapons of fear, guilt and obligation, which impress the presence of constant danger on the reptilian lower brain, ensuring widespread compliance.
Language - the use of spell words - is again central to the endeavour. The reptilian non-brain responds to repetition - of words and phrases, memes, catchwords, clichés, which serve to embed the hypnotic suggestions to the extent that they became beliefs, immune to rational argumentation. Physical triggers can be more efficient than verbal ones, especially if self-administered, creating an instant Pavlovian effect.
All this kicked in with a vengeance from about mid-March last year. Throughout the ‘pandemic’ period, the pathways in the parks near my home had intermittently placed chalk figures separated by arrows pointing at each figure (indicating the extent of two meters), clearly designed to evoke the chalk marks investigators draw around the corpse of a murder victim. (Interestingly, these markings, which had all but disappeared, have been restored in the past couple of weeks). For those daft enough to watch TV or listen to the radio, statistics of deaths, most of them invented or inflated, were rolled out by the hour. Terms like ‘deadly virus’ were used non-stop: The phrase ‘new normal’ had the effect of insinuating the loss of things long cherished, a state of bereavement, invoking a grief that did not realise its name. The applauding by candlelight of ‘front line workers’ became a way of compelling holdouts to throw themselves into the spell as though into battle.
The second phase, ‘devaluation’, is analogous to the live cooking of a frog. Words of praise and consolation are juxtaposed with house arrest, instigating a form of induced Stockholm Syndrome. If feedback indicates that the populace is beginning to wake up to the deception and manipulation, the controller/wife-beater must show that he is indeed working for everybody's good by intermittently appearing to be on their side. This registers in the entranced individual as a chemical rush of serotonin, oxytocin and other chemicals of relief, which facilitate the deepening of the stranglehold.
Images and ideas of restriction, control, humiliation, are packaged in sentimental and often paradoxical forms of manipulation: nurses or police officers dancing amidst what we are led to presume are unremitting scenes of death; grandchildren waving to their heartbroken grandparents through a wound-up car window. Here, the glass becomes a symbol of the invisible wall that may permanently separate them, a portent of the ‘new normal’, invoking dread of an unknowable future. Generated confusion, mixed messages, are central elements: you must be sure to take care of old people - just don’t go near lest you kill them; it is important to become infected to achieve immunity but at all costs avoid infecting other healthy people; wear a face mask, even though ‘experts’ say they are ineffective. Wear two face masks, just to prove you are not an anti-masker. The inconsistency and incoherence of the messages is not random or chaos-driven - it has a planned and precise purpose: to destabilise the sensibility of the subject, rendering him amenable to further manipulation. Since he cannot understand, he simply obeys.
Then comes the final phase of the hypnosis: ‘Abandonment’, the iron fist. No more Mr Nice Guy. The police, it turns out, have been issued with more equipment, more vehicles, more guns, more batons, Rottweiler-shaped robots to spy on the public. Reinforcements are brought in, including trainees dressed up as robo-cops, part of the process of abasement. The talk of vaccine passports shifts from a possibility to a racing certainty. Now the real motives may more readily be seen. Our rights having been stripped away, we begin to awake to the folly of thinking of the controllers as our savours or guardians. In order to maintain the control, a method of what known as ‘intermittent reinforcement’ takes place, whereby the tone of the controllers becomes more austere and threatening, establishing another layer of conditions in respect of the future. Unless compliance improves, we are warned, the ante may have to be increased. We should not expect a return to normal any time soon - or at all. The ‘second/third/fourth wave’ is mentioned in tones of disappointed rebuke, setting up an expectation that failure to meet the contradictory requirements may result in further coercion. With each intermittent reinforcement there will be a further erosion of civil liberties and so the programme goes on.
Ritual is a key factor in the alteration of expectations, which in turn transforms reality. Rituals are process of initiation and renewal, which reinforce beliefs, behaviours, and values, inducing conformity, groupthink, accommodation to changes in structures, a reinvented sense of belonging. Rituals are transformative, redefining, rebirthing, anchoring the subject in his new situation.
Rituals work subliminally to alter perception, to strengthen or exaggerate existing emotions. The initiate in a religious rite is separated from reality and, in advance of the ritual, placed in isolation so as to become decontaminated from everyday influences: Shelter-in-place involves a form of detoxification from the logic, desires, assumptions and language of the world, a process of renouncing that facilitates a coming to terms with losses about to be imposed as part of the initiation: loss of freedom, loved ones, hopes, expectations. Here we begin to glimpse the true purpose of the Covid project: to prepare us to relinquish the kind of life we took for granted hitherto.
A transition follows: the subject begins to let go of everything she has taken for granted, prepares to enter a new regime, to cross the threshold to a new era. A new mood descends, a mixture of fear and sorrow, accompanied by an escalating sense of powerlessness that threatens to overwhelm until the subject agrees to accept. Then comes the liberation and release that accompany the signing away of freedom for an insinuated higher purpose. This is akin to the liminal state between life and death. The old life is subjected to a form of scorched earth, presaging a surrender to the new normal.
By persuading people to engage in rituals - essentially collective rites and ceremonies they would not normally succumb to while alone, it is possible to draw them into an imagined herd for the purpose of imbuing them with collective thoughts, breaking with existing or normative patterns of thought and behaviour. Using repetition and emotional enhancement, the ritual imposes a new language, new signposts contained in words and symbols. Ritual also operates to impose new codes as a way of effecting changes in thinking, working primarily at the spiritual and psychological levels, but unnoticed as such. It serves to suspend the cognitive dimension, thus eliminating any individual reservations that might otherwise manifest as embarrassment, while activating elements of the mind not usually engaged. The subject is both actor and spectator.
In the course of the ‘pandemic’, the face mask emerged as a new symbol of pseudo-solidarity, though really it was used as an instrument of fear-mongering, alienating and division. Many of the more enthusiastic maskers happily doubled as mask-marshalls, policing their neighbours, even strangers, with accusations about granny-killing and selfishness. The mask provokes a death of the ego, enabling a new self to be born: the temporary covering of the old face while the new one is immersed in the period of gestation necessitated by the transformation. It was not very often a pretty sight. The more threadbare the Covid-19 story became, the more people seemed to be wearing the face mask, not so much as precautionary apparel as a form of accusation: You are threatening my life! The hypnotised as hypnotist. Once the mask is donned, the subject becomes his more fearful self, but also more tyrannical, the secret weapon of totalitarianism.
The mask obliterates the face, the window of the soul, thus reducing the wearer to a kind of humanimal. Beholding one another in the street - masked, visored, alert for the slightest incursion into our personal six foot of space, jumping out of our skins at the slightest cough, sniffle or sneeze - it became clear that we were being coached to no longer look upon one another and perceive the iconic shape of the human being in history - limbs, trunk, head, face, gaze, smile - but see instead a moving blob of festering matter, a biohazard to be avoided on pain of death. In a sense, this is a reversal of the civilising process, which has over centuries coached humans beings to, among mush else, avoid seeing each other in the terms summoned up by Nietzsche in The Genealogy of Morality: man defined by ‘repulsive’ traits disapproved of by himself: ‘impure begetting, disgusting nourishment in the womb, vileness of the matter out of which man develops, revolting stench, excretion of saliva, urine, and feces’. Clearly, whereas such definitions have an objective basis, to carry such notions of ourselves around in our imaginations would soon reduce each of us to a state of constant perturbation, disintegrating our desire to be alive.
In The Human Person and Natural Law, Karol Wojtyla wrote about ‘the essence of a thing’ being taken as the basis of ‘all actualisation of the thing’, which in human terms meant perceiving the unity represented by the ensouled being within the encasing body. The essence of the human person was not to be found in the biological matter comprising his physical totality: he was also creativity and will and emotion and conscience and subjectivity and self-reflection - all parts of the human creativity that cause us to rise above the Nietzschean reduction.
Perhaps the most emphatic and lasting effect of Covid-19 will be to shift the entirety of our capacities for self-perception from the largely-metaphysical to the overwhelming phenomenological plane. It is not far-fetched to fear that, under the attrition of the lockdown psy-op, our personal and collective self-image as human beings began dissolving, bringing an end to the millennia-old sense of the human person as an embodied soul on an earthly sojourn. We shall need new words to describe this, and they are unlikely to be pretty.
Special International Meeting
Investigative Corona Committee Berlin
“The Great Recall - International”
4+ hours (mixed languages)
With many lawers around the world, including Robert F Kennedy Jr first out
Who already in the beginning is telling us that Gates does not find 2 shots to be sufficient (despite the vast lack of good data regarding efficiency of the “vaccines”), so Gates recommend 3 shots of Pfizer/BioNTech, Moderna vaccines, as well followed by several “boosters” later on
(here I have to put in something from earlier meetings. The mix of two different mRNA vaccines; 1 jab with one, second with a different mRNA) is a really very bad idea with even more unforeseen consequences, which are harder to track down in detail, and more difficult to investigate medically, but apparently - two different mRNA types of jabs combined/mixed, is how it is often practiced in the US).
So. There we go.
Mirror, Mirror on the wall, who is the most wicked of them all ? Gates for sure makes a good candidate. Wicked and wrinkly. One of many in the Game.
The psycho puppet is once again changing the recipe a little “for what is best for our breakfast”. Now we see what we already have been discussing here in the forum; the suspected increase of mRNA jabs. Followed by regularly given “boosters” enabling an indefinite evil spiral.
Boosters sound so... ‘healthy’, don’t they ?
I have not come any further in the video, as I have to checkup trains for the next mornings departure out of the depot.
May I add
To the above video, which is a special international edition - Rainer Fuellmich is translating what is said in other languages to english.
It continues with Robert F Kennedy Jr regarding the vaccination deaths around the world in care homes. Seem to follow the same cruel pattern. Two whistleblower videos from Germany shown how those vaccinations are done in care homes. Very disturbing.
Then it is about the immense economical powers from private people but acting like a prolonged arm of the US gov. And the strong infiltration of Big Pharma at all levels of the system. They also talk about the dual whereabouts of Bill Gates.
Some info about the PCR test trial in the New York state where there has been an interesting development.
Then two lawyers from Austria are speaking how it is there (same deaths in carehomes after vaccination) and they talk about the political situation is crumbling under pressure, the parliament being... well not doing what it is supposed to, and the Austrian courts to the delay tactics. Like in Germany.
However the lawyers got 22 cases up an running at the highest (?) courts in Austria, and the lawyers push it hard (regarding vaccination deaths and procedures)
Only this have been able to listen (1 hour 9 min out of 4 hours)
Here's an opportunity to officially voice opposition to glyphosate:Dr Stephanie Seneff presents compelling evidence of a possible covid-19 glyphosate connection - glyphosate, one of the most toxic and ubiquitous manmade chemicals, is increasingly finding its way into biofuels due to mandatory ‘climate saving’ initiatives that are potentially backfiring to promote human ill-health. This additional potential ingestion of glyphosate along with its ubiquitous contamination of food, air and water, means that most of us are experiencing an increasingly compromised immune system.
Connecting the Dots: Glyphosate and COVID-19 | The Education Collaborative
www.educacionymedioscolaborativos.org
In the research that Dr Stefan Lanka has dedicated his life to bring to the world, he is not saying there is "no virus".After reading Pierre's informative post on virus (pg 1101), I'm a little confused about the "no virus" theory.
"Dismantling the Virus Theory" Dr. Stefan Lanks
(I've just begun reading but maybe a waste of time?)
Thanks Debra. Yes, I see now that it should maybe be "no pathogen virus". The article wasn't very long and tickled my interest. Now I'm looking into some of his other ideas.In the research that Dr Stefan Lanka has dedicated his life to bring to the world, he is not saying there is "no virus".
Lanka has been trying to get the world to understand that the little information transfer particles of Nature, that the Medical and Pharmaceutical Industry NAMED "virus" is not the CAUSE of illnesses.
The fact that teeny, tiny little invisible bits, which are Naturally produced by ALL living BEINGS, are being used as invisible Boogie Men, and that it is the Money Maker for Big Pharma and the Medical Industry is why the Powers that Be have turned his research, and Many other researchers into a Circus of disinformation. At least, that's how I understand this stuff at this time....
This web site and the videos offered may give you a bit more info and food for thought.
Disease is Different | The 5 Biological Laws of Nature by Dr. Hamer (5BL, 5BN, GNM)
Introductory series, 5BN children's book, testimonials, user and study circle list, and much morewww.disease-is-different.com
Reading about this happening in Israel made me remember that here where I live the only people who never use masks (they're mandatory if you leave your castle) are the ultra-orthodox jews and the homeless people. Just the other day I was thinking if they're really brave or just can't find a mask which covers their beards entirely...=)RT are now reporting this:
Israel announces Covid-19 lockdown easing for ‘vaccine passport’ holders
Israel is set to relax its Covid-19 lockdown and unveil a new ‘vaccine passport’ allowing those who received the jab to access some public spaces, as PM Benjamin Netanyahu said the shots could soon render restrictions unnecessary.www.rt.com
However, there's a problem in paradise that I learnt about from UK column.
The Israeli vaccination drive is slowing down. Apparently quite a few are now refusing it...
As demand for vaccines plummets, Israel may resort to incentive programs
Proposals include sending health workers to offices of major companies, bonuses for convincing members of public to vaccinate; firms offer cash, mull bans on those without shotswww.timesofisrael.com
More foreboding for the that government is that 20% of the population which is ultra orthodox Jews are refusing it. The government is now resorting to warlike tactics against this group
So it appears that this vaccine passport is actually a desperate attempt by the government to bully its own people. I suspect we may see some interesting things happening in Israel.
Who'd have imagined the ultra orthodox Jews would be the most critical of the vaccines and covid worship in Israel.
Previous to this Coronavirus thread was the Bird Flu-Swine Flu-Vaccines thread. I posted there twice in April 2009 regarding Dr. Stefan Lanka and referenced him in this thread as well - post #10,737. The article I referenced is dated to 2005 whereas the pdf @cholas referenced is dated 2015. I remember Dr. Lanka won a court case regarding the measles virus in Germany:"Dismantling the Virus Theory" Dr. Stefan Lanks
JANUARY 27, 2017 by DAVE MIHALOVIC
Biologist Proves Measles Isn't A Virus, Wins Supreme Court Case Against Doctor
In a recent ruling, judges at the German Federal Supreme Court (BGH) confirmed that the measles virus does not exist. Furthermore, there is not a single scientific study in the world which could prove the existence of the virus in any scientific literature. This raises the question of what was actually injected into millions over the past few decades.
I have to think the malevolents running this entire Covid Kills show must be laughing their a**es off at how extremely gullible and ignorant people are! Quite the circus here in central Ohio with so many people insisting their lives are in mortal danger unless they and everybody else gets the vaccine - and I thought masks were bad! Meanwhile, one tiny step forward by the legislature:The fact that teeny, tiny little invisible bits, which are Naturally produced by ALL living BEINGS, are being used as invisible Boogie Men, and that it is the Money Maker for Big Pharma and the Medical Industry is why the Powers that Be have turned his research, and Many other researchers into a Circus of disinformation.
Ohio's Republican senators all voted for a bill giving lawmakers the power to change or revoke public health orders and state of emergency declarations Wednesday afternoon.
Senate Bill 22 passed 25-8 and now heads to the Ohio House. It would create a six-person committee with equal membership from both chambers. The committee would advise the General Assembly on the governor's public health state of emergency orders and any state agency's health order such as a mask mandate, curfew or limited indoor dining.
Ohio has been under a state of emergency since March 9. Senate Bill 22 would set a 90-day expiration date on all public health states of emergency. They could be renewed by the General Assembly indefinitely in 60-day increments, but the governor would have to convince lawmakers to do it.
That's a lot longer than the original draft of the bill, which limited states of emergency to 30 days.
Dr. Bruce Vanderhoff, the chief medical officer for the Ohio Department of Health, said last week that 30 days "is not a sufficient amount of time for any quarantine or public health order to play itself out."
McColley said he took the doctor's words into consideration, but the decision to change the bill ultimately came down to where his fellow Republicans stood on the matter.
That's why lawmakers could revoke a state of emergency after 30 days and a public health order after 10 days. Anything lawmakers rejected couldn't be brought back for 30 days.
"The committee’s recommendation is not a pre-condition for the General Assembly acting on any order," McColley said. "The committee truly has an advisory role."
Will DeWine veto it?
The short answer is yes.
DeWine has vetoed all previous attempts to curb his authority during the pandemic and told reporters this bill was "a grave, grave mistake."
And so, the show goes on . . .Republicans haven't been able to override his vetoes, but this time might be different. One reason is they simply hold more seats in the House and Senate after the November 2020 election.
The other is it has more support. Three Republican senators who voted against previous bills decided to vote yes on SB 22. (Sens. Stephanie Kunze, R-Hilliard, Kirk Schuring, R-Canton, and Matt Dolan, R-Chagrin Falls.)