And so on. Immediately, something strange happened to me. The task of putting the words and faces in the right
categories suddenly became more difficult. I found myself slowing down. I had to think. Sometimes I assigned
something to one category when I really meant to assign it to the other category. I was trying as hard as I could,
and in the back of my mind was a growing sense of mortification. Why was I having such trouble when I had to
put a word like “Glorious” or “Wonderful” into the “Good” category when “Good” was paired with “African
American” or when I had to put the word “Evil” into the “Bad” category when “Bad” was paired with
“European American”? Then came part two. This time the categories were reversed.
(i.e. EUROPEAN AMERICAN OR GOOD vs. AFRICAN AMERICAN OR BAD)
And so on. Now my mortification grew still further. Now I was having no trouble at all.
Evil? African American or Bad.
Hurt? African American or Bad.
Wonderful? European American or Good.
I took the test a second time, and then a third time, and then a fourth time, hoping that the awful feeling of
bias would go away. It made no difference. It turns out that more than 80 percent of all those who have ever taken the test end up having pro-white associations, meaning that it takes them measurably longer to
complete answers when they are required to put good words into the “Black” category than when they are
required to link bad things with black people. I didn’t do quite so badly. On the Race IAT, I was rated as having
a “moderate automatic preference for whites.” But then again, I’m half black. (My mother is Jamaican.)
So what does this mean? Does this mean I’m a racist, a self-hating black person? Not exactly. What it
means is that our attitudes toward things like race or gender operate on two levels. First of all, we have our
conscious attitudes. This is what we choose to believe. These are our stated values, which we use to direct our
behavior deliberately. The apartheid policies of South Africa or the laws in the American South that made it
difficult for African Americans to vote are manifestations of conscious discrimination, and when we talk about
racism or the fight for civil rights, this is the kind of discrimination that we usually refer to. But the IAT
measures something else. It measures our second level of attitude, our racial attitude on an unconscious level—
the immediate, automatic associations that tumble out before we’ve even had time to think. We don’t
deliberately choose our unconscious attitudes. And as I wrote about in the first chapter, we may not even be
aware of them. The giant computer that is our unconscious silently crunches all the data it can from the
experiences we’ve had, the people we’ve met, the lessons we’ve learned, the books we’ve read, the movies
we’ve seen, and so on, and it forms an opinion. That’s what is coming out in the IAT.
The disturbing thing about the test is that it shows that our unconscious attitudes may be utterly
incompatible with our stated conscious values. As it turns out, for example, of the fifty thousand African
Americans who have taken the Race IAT so far, about half of them, like me, have stronger associations with
whites than with blacks. How could we not? We live in North America, where we are surrounded every day by
cultural messages linking white with good. “You don’t choose to make positive associations with the dominant
group,” says Mahzarin Banaji, who teaches psychology at Harvard University and is one of the leaders in IAT
research. “But you are required to. All around you, that group is being paired with good things. You open the
newspaper and you turn on the television, and you can’t escape it.”
The IAT is more than just an abstract measure of attitudes. It’s also a powerful predictor of how we act in
certain kinds of spontaneous situations. If you have a strongly pro-white pattern of associations, for example,
there is evidence that that will affect the way you behave in the presence of a black person. It’s not going to
affect what you’ll choose to say or feel or do. In all likelihood, you won’t be aware that you’re behaving any
differently than you would around a white person. But chances are you’ll lean forward a little less, turn away
slightly from him or her, close your body a bit, be a bit less expressive, maintain less eye contact, stand a little
farther away, smile a lot less, hesitate and stumble over your words a bit more, laugh at jokes a bit less. Does
that matter? Of course it does. Suppose the conversation is a job interview. And suppose the applicant is a black
man. He’s going to pick up on that uncertainty and distance, and that may well make him a little less certain of
himself, a little less confident, and a little less friendly. And what will you think then? You may well get a gut
feeling that the applicant doesn’t really have what it takes, or maybe that he is a bit standoffish, or maybe that
he doesn’t really want the job. What this unconscious first impression will do, in other words, is throw the
interview hopelessly off course.