That's a very interesting article, mabar, thank you. It has many graphs (I like graphs!), which show that shortages in Venezuela cannot be explained by production or imports (which have increased), nor consumption (which has not increased as much as the previous two).
However, imports have increased in the amount of dollars allocated to the private sector for that purpose, but not in amount of goods (as measured in kgs) as purchased by those companies. In other words, the private sector has deposited those excess dollars abroad, while not using them for imports as they were supposed to. The fact that shortages appear to increase during political sensitive periods (like elections), indicates that the private sector is doing this for political reasons. From the article:
The info contradicts what this other article posted above states, which blames the problem on government price controls:
If the figures of the first article are correct, then it seems to me that price controls were implemented by the government after the fact - when there were already shortages - in an attempt to handle the situation. The graphs show that consumption has not increased at a higher rate than production and imports.
I think there are only two options: either the data for the graphs was cooked by the Venezuelan government (which I doubt), or the private sector has really been waging war against its own government, as they claim. This is not to say that the situation wasn't perhaps made worse by overspending on welfare, but the overall impression I get is that the main cause of the crisis is indeed an economic war.
However, imports have increased in the amount of dollars allocated to the private sector for that purpose, but not in amount of goods (as measured in kgs) as purchased by those companies. In other words, the private sector has deposited those excess dollars abroad, while not using them for imports as they were supposed to. The fact that shortages appear to increase during political sensitive periods (like elections), indicates that the private sector is doing this for political reasons. From the article:
The private sector practice of siphoning off foreign exchange delivered by the government into deposits abroad represents a failure to comply with the purpose of such allocations (i.e., the import of goods and services). This is precisely why the government has repeatedly denounced the hoarding of goods by private suppliers of food, medicines and personal care products, as well as parts and car spare parts.
Hoarding is a mechanism that prevents goods from reaching the shelves of domestic markets, thus adding a factor to the explanation of shortages. It is important to draw attention to the characteristics of the goods that have been the subject of hoarding. These are, first of all, prime necessities, food, medicines, personal and household hygiene goods, car spare parts, spare parts for machinery and seeds. That is to say, they are goods very much needed in the households or in the manufacturing of goods or the performance of services.
Secondly, as far as food is concerned, of the twenty food products mostly consumed by Venezuelans, shortages have been observed primarily for nonperishable items, especially those produced and distributed by monopolistic or oligopolistic corporations (for example corn and wheat flour, sugar, coffee, oil); but not for goods produced and distributed by many farmers (for example, fruits and vegetables). This led us to hypothesize that the cost of agreements between production and distribution companies to control the supply is less when it comes to one or a few companies than when there are many producers and distributors.
Thirdly, shortages have been observed primarily within retail sector. The shortage of these goods for industrial or commercial use has been much less significant. For example, bakery stores have had access to wheat flour but it remains being absent in supermarkets.
Further, the Government has denounced smuggling, mainly to Colombia, to the extent that the border check-points with that country have been closed as a measure to stop the massive exit of Venezuelan products to this neighbouring country. Shortages are also connected with such smuggling.
Three factors—1) the relative decrease of imports with respect to the foreign exchange delivered to the private sector; 2) hoarding by oligopolistic companies that dominate the markets of some goods; and 3) smuggling—in that order, are determinants explaining the level of shortages in Venezuela.
Although they seem to be factors based on economic interests seeking to maximize profits, and even worse in the case of the Venezuelan economy, to seize oil revenues, they imply a predominantly political interest. This conclusion is supported by the observation that the episodes of shortages coincided with moments of political tension, greater polarization and in the context of electoral events.
Such political interest, as repeatedly denounced by the government, seeks to generate economic, social and political destabilization, and to promote the idea that the model established in 1999 has failed; at the same time the tactic allows the destabilizing sectors to obtain economic profit—unlike in 2002, when the call for a general strike with similar political objectives involved large economic losses, not only for the nation, but also for these sectors.
As a conclusion of this first section we must point out: 1) shortage in Venezuela is not explained by declines in production or in imports resulting from a failed model that has not allocated foreign exchange to the private sector; 2) on the contrary, the amount of foreign exchange delivered to the private sector has increased, along with production; 3) the real reasons for shortages in Venezuela are (in order severity): a) the decrease in imports despite having delivered the necessary foreign exchange to the private sector; b) the selective hoarding of goods to meet prime necessities; and c) smuggling.
The main recommendation that emerges from this analysis is the urgent need to establish greater controls on the delivery of foreign exchange to the private sector and to revise the criteria for the allocation of dollars, especially when we are faced with a drop in oil prices and, therefore, a decline in national income.
The info contradicts what this other article posted above states, which blames the problem on government price controls:
When price ceilings are implemented, this price coordination mechanism is turned on its head. An artificially low price leads consumers to demand more of a good than producers are willing to supply. When demand outstrips supply, shortages emerge.
These arbitrary ceilings disrupt the productive structure of businesses and do not allow them to bring goods to the market in a cost-effective manner. Unsurprisingly, many businesses are forced to incur losses, especially if the legislated price falls below the natural market price that is needed to meet operational costs. Less fortunate enterprises will find themselves compelled to shut down their operations as they can no longer afford to supply goods to the market given the artificially low prices.
Businesses that have the means to adjust to these regulations end up supplying less products or products of inferior quality. Consumers must then cope with a market that provides fewer and inferior goods, thus leading to lower consumer welfare.
If the figures of the first article are correct, then it seems to me that price controls were implemented by the government after the fact - when there were already shortages - in an attempt to handle the situation. The graphs show that consumption has not increased at a higher rate than production and imports.
I think there are only two options: either the data for the graphs was cooked by the Venezuelan government (which I doubt), or the private sector has really been waging war against its own government, as they claim. This is not to say that the situation wasn't perhaps made worse by overspending on welfare, but the overall impression I get is that the main cause of the crisis is indeed an economic war.