It’s hard to describe in a short post what was Yeltsin’s period like and how it gradually transformed into Putin’s period, but let me try.
In a few words, Yeltsin’s time can be described as a deep crisis: economic, moral, ideological, political. The old totalitarian system (the USSR) was completely destroyed, and no new one was yet created. It was a period of chaos. It’s hard to find analogy to describe how it was like, because it really was a unique situation. The only similar example that comes to mind is a jungle: no rules, no restrictions, only wild and free nature. The old laws didn’t work any longer, and the new ones didn’t work yet. It was almost complete anarchy. It was horrible. It was wonderful.
If you were a middle-aged person with family and children, then you had to face this new reality and literally struggle for survival. Many people couldn’t cope: some died of heart attacks, some committed suicide, some started drinking alcohol, some became criminals, and some left the country. Corruption was thriving. Those who were accustomed to or needed the government support, especially the elderly people, were in a very difficult situation.
We received one cold shower after another: two wars in Chechnya, numerous ruble devaluations, crimes, violence, and frauds. We were constantly alert, we knew that everything is our own hands and we should take care of ourselves and our families without waiting anything from the government. People had to care about everything themselves: how to feed their families, how to cure them, how to warm their houses in winter: we literally installed stoves in our apartments and burnt wood or coal.
I was a teenager. For us this new era was the era of freedom: new horizons, new possibilities, new information, new world. Just imagine: almost empty shelves of the ex-Soviet shops became immediately flooded with goods from all over the world. There was a huge vacuum on the Russian market of goods and services, which was a huge possibility for everyone who was willing and able. As students, almost everyone combined their study with work: to make one’s ends meet and to taste this new life. If you work, you can afford these new fancy clothes, new gadgets, travelling, night clubs – whatever you like. If you don’t work, you can’t afford anything. Anyone could start their small business with no real control from the government. If you were an English teacher, for example, you could open and English speaking club just like that: you simply pay the rent and invite students. No taxes, no inspections, no official salary: just money in the envelope earned by your student in the same way somewhere else.
There is a famous quote by JF Kennedy:
Intentionally or not, Yeltsin appeared to be among the greatest liberals of all times: never before and never after were we so brutally free.
But the chaos cannot last forever. Since Yeltsin introduced private property, people started looking for the ways to protect it. Those were very radical ways at first: like weapons, high fences and heavy locks, but gradually the new laws started to work.
Some people enjoyed this new liberalism; some wanted “back in USSR.” Little by little, the ruling elite finally chose its way somewhere in between. There were the liberals, the communists, and the newly emerging force called the United Russia who at the same time were both and neither. They managed to unite the major part of Russian people with the idea of new democracy combined with the socialist heritage. This was already Putin’s era.
So how should we treat Yeltsin? And how did he assess his work himself? On December 31st 1999, he addressed the Russian people with his final speech: he voluntarily decided to resign before term.
How many country leaders do we know who would voluntarily transfer their power to another person? How many country leaders do we know who would ask their people to forgive him with tears in his eyes? I couldn’t find a video in English, so here is the transcript of his final speech:
Despite all of his failures, Yeltsin is still respected by many Russian politicians.
In a few words, Yeltsin’s time can be described as a deep crisis: economic, moral, ideological, political. The old totalitarian system (the USSR) was completely destroyed, and no new one was yet created. It was a period of chaos. It’s hard to find analogy to describe how it was like, because it really was a unique situation. The only similar example that comes to mind is a jungle: no rules, no restrictions, only wild and free nature. The old laws didn’t work any longer, and the new ones didn’t work yet. It was almost complete anarchy. It was horrible. It was wonderful.
If you were a middle-aged person with family and children, then you had to face this new reality and literally struggle for survival. Many people couldn’t cope: some died of heart attacks, some committed suicide, some started drinking alcohol, some became criminals, and some left the country. Corruption was thriving. Those who were accustomed to or needed the government support, especially the elderly people, were in a very difficult situation.
We received one cold shower after another: two wars in Chechnya, numerous ruble devaluations, crimes, violence, and frauds. We were constantly alert, we knew that everything is our own hands and we should take care of ourselves and our families without waiting anything from the government. People had to care about everything themselves: how to feed their families, how to cure them, how to warm their houses in winter: we literally installed stoves in our apartments and burnt wood or coal.
I was a teenager. For us this new era was the era of freedom: new horizons, new possibilities, new information, new world. Just imagine: almost empty shelves of the ex-Soviet shops became immediately flooded with goods from all over the world. There was a huge vacuum on the Russian market of goods and services, which was a huge possibility for everyone who was willing and able. As students, almost everyone combined their study with work: to make one’s ends meet and to taste this new life. If you work, you can afford these new fancy clothes, new gadgets, travelling, night clubs – whatever you like. If you don’t work, you can’t afford anything. Anyone could start their small business with no real control from the government. If you were an English teacher, for example, you could open and English speaking club just like that: you simply pay the rent and invite students. No taxes, no inspections, no official salary: just money in the envelope earned by your student in the same way somewhere else.
There is a famous quote by JF Kennedy:
Yeltsin woke us up. He showed us the real world “as is,” with no softening pills. He gave us a chance to express ourselves. He taught us how to be strong, responsible, creative, active, thinking. He showed us how to cooperate for our mutual benefit and survival.When written in Chinese, the word 'crisis' is composed of two characters. One represents danger and the other represents opportunity.
Intentionally or not, Yeltsin appeared to be among the greatest liberals of all times: never before and never after were we so brutally free.
But the chaos cannot last forever. Since Yeltsin introduced private property, people started looking for the ways to protect it. Those were very radical ways at first: like weapons, high fences and heavy locks, but gradually the new laws started to work.
Some people enjoyed this new liberalism; some wanted “back in USSR.” Little by little, the ruling elite finally chose its way somewhere in between. There were the liberals, the communists, and the newly emerging force called the United Russia who at the same time were both and neither. They managed to unite the major part of Russian people with the idea of new democracy combined with the socialist heritage. This was already Putin’s era.
So how should we treat Yeltsin? And how did he assess his work himself? On December 31st 1999, he addressed the Russian people with his final speech: he voluntarily decided to resign before term.
How many country leaders do we know who would voluntarily transfer their power to another person? How many country leaders do we know who would ask their people to forgive him with tears in his eyes? I couldn’t find a video in English, so here is the transcript of his final speech:
Dear Russians,
In a few hours we will see a magical date on our calendars, the year 2000, a new century, a new millennium.
All of you tried to figure out, first as children and then as young people, how old you would be in the year 2000, and how old your mum and then your children would be. We thought that unique New Year was still very far in the future. But here it is.
Dear friends, my dear friends.
Today I am sending you my last New Year’s greetings. But that’s not all: this is the last time I am addressing you as president of Russia.
I have taken a decision, one which I pondered long and painfully. I am resigning today, the last day of the departing century.
I have heard people say more than once that Yeltsin would cling to power as long as possible, that he would never let go. That is a lie. I have always said that I would never violate the Constitution, that the parliamentary elections must be held in the timeframe stipulated by the Constitution, and this is exactly how we acted. I also wanted the presidential election to be held as planned, in June 2000. This is very important for Russia. We are creating a vital precedent of a civilized and voluntary transfer of presidential power to a newly elected president. And yet, I have taken a different decision: I am leaving before the end of my term.
I saw that I had to do this. Russia should enter the new millennium with new politicians, new faces, new people who are intelligent, strong and energetic, while we, those who have been in power for many years, must leave.
When I saw the hope with which the people voted for a new generation of politicians in the parliamentary elections, I knew that my life’s work was done. Russia will never retrace its steps; it will keep moving into the future. And I must not stand in the way of that logical progression. Why cling to power for six more months when the country has a strong leader who can be its president, a man on whom nearly all Russians are pinning their hopes for the future? Why stand in his way? Why wait another half year? That is not for me.
Today, on this extremely important day for me, I want to say a few more personal words than I usually do. I want to ask your forgiveness – for the dreams that have not come true, and for the things that seemed easy but turned out to be so excruciatingly difficult. I am asking your forgiveness for failing to justify the hopes of those who believed me when I said that we would leap from the grey, stagnating totalitarian past into a bright, prosperous and civilized future. I believed in that dream, I believed that we would cover the distance in one leap.
We didn’t. I was too naive in some things, and the problems turned out to be bigger than expected in other things. We ploughed ahead through mistakes and failures. Many people were traumatised by that time of upheavals.
I want you to know – I have never said this before, and I want to say it now – that the pain of every one of you was my pain, the pain of my heart. I spent sleepless nights, agonised thinking about what could be done to make life easier, if only a bit, for the people. It was my highest goal.
I am leaving now. I have done everything I could. I am not leaving for health reasons, but for a multitude of reasons. A new generation is taking my place, a generation of people who can do more and better.
In accordance with the Constitution, I have signed a decree giving the powers of president of Russia to Prime Minister Vladimir Putin. He will be the head of state for three months, after which presidential elections will be held, also in accordance with the Constitution.
I have always believed in the tremendous wisdom of the Russian people, and therefore I have no doubt about the choice you will make in late March 2000.
We are parting now, and I want to wish happiness to every one of you. You deserve it; you deserve happiness and peace of mind.
Happy New Year! Happy New Millennium!
Despite all of his failures, Yeltsin is still respected by many Russian politicians.